Studies VI: What’s in a Name?

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interesting) leftist parties as possible.

The Tunisian Communist Workers Party (PCOT) has been covered on this blog before as well as its party congress which took place this weekend. During one of the sessions, the party’s leaders (Hamma Hammami and others) considered changing the party’s name to leave out الشيوعي ”Communist”. Various Tunisian commentators have noted that while the party has a strong core and enjoys relatively strong credibility with certain parts of the public the PCOT nevertheless suffers from its identification with communism. Many Tunisians associate communism with obsolescence, authoritarianism and atheism; the last problem is particularly relevant in that it exposes the party to particular attacks when faced with other parties coming from the Islamist tendency and other leftist parties not identified with the same label who are not seen as being hostile to religion. Tunisian news reports noted that the issue came up on the second day of the congress and that no decision was reached as to whether or not to change the party’s name. From Business News:

Le Parti communiste des Ouvriers de Tunisie (PCOT) examine, au deuxième jour de son premier congrès tenu en public, la possibilité de changer de nom.

Le porte parole officiel du parti, Hamma Hammami, précise dans une déclaration à l’agence TAP que ce changement concerne le terme “communiste” en raison des préjugés à ce propos dans la rue tunisienne, ajoutant cependant que “rien n’est définitif” sur cette question qui sera discutée par les congressistes.

This points to something that should be obvious to most observers, and was noted by Issandr El Amrani in a recent interview: most Arab societies are relatively conservative in religious and cultural terms. The PCOT’s unabashed communism and secularism exposes it to two primary lines of attack which some believe put it at a disadvantage: its aggressive secularism (and supposed atheism; its sometimes strategic use of the terms العَلمانية and اللائكي when referring to secularism reflect an awareness of this problem; the former (which is standard Arabic for secularism) sometimes has connotations of atheism while the latter is an Arabization of laïcité and has certain rhetorical/political advantages in this regard; this issue is discussed at some length by Fouad Zakariyya), which frightens and even angers religious elements, and its association with the “far left” (l’extrême gauche) which is painted by more economically conservative partisans and the transitional government as the source of recent instability, which alienates more middle of the road leftists and social democrats.

Even in a place like Tunisia where laïcité has been the rule and many people consider themselves secular, there is stigma attached to irreligiosity. On the other hand, many Tunisians are left-leaning and of those Tunisians who have made up their minds a relatively large proportion have told pollsters they intend to vote for left of center parties in the upcoming Constituent Assembly election. Compared to several other parties, the PCOT usually does relatively well but usually comes in after other, more moderate democratic socialist parties who themselves are outdone by an-Nahdha (whose share is usually between 25% and 30%). The party’s website and literature describe its attitude toward religion and the relationship between religion and politics in great detail and quite explicitly on topics ranging from secularism and national (Tunisian Arab) identity, the hijab (it is worth noting that one finds hijab clad women at PCOT rallies but that its leadership often appears with members in headscarves), women’s rights and a variety of other topics. Many of them are combative polemics and engage the writings of prominent Tunisian Islamists (including Rachid Ghannouchi) directly while quoting and referencing Lenin. (Some of these will be translated in upcoming posts.) The party’s position on religion is well known, and it fits into the same broad category as most other leftist parties in Tunisian hoping to protect secular principles in the drafting of the new constitution. While many Tunisians are sympathetic on this front even many people who might otherwise be sympathetic to their platform are somewhat put off on this front. The party’s recent communiques have attempted to remind their audiences that the PCOT respects religious freedom and that as communists they are not against religion, per se.

The party is associated with the “far left” and its association with “communism” is well known to alienate more economically moderate Tunisians, especially elements of the middle class less excited about “continuing revolution” and more interested in re-establishing “normalcy”. It has been active in recent protests which have turned violent, and while the PCOT and its allies blame RCD stay behinds and the security forces there are many Tunisians put off by its radicalism. While “social democratic” tendencies go down more smoothly with average Tunisians “communists” face a challenge of overcoming prejudices about their style of rule and the applicability of their ideology to the current political and economic setting. The stigma attached to the PCOT simply for calling themselves “communists” may be as strong if not stronger than their reputation related to secularism. An al-Jazeera Arabic report on the party convention reflected this when quoting journalists whose seemed to be mocking the party’s communist identification.

These supposed handicaps aside, the party benefits from the reputation of its leadership, many of whom were detained or tortured under Ben Ali, and for its active and well known participation in the January uprising. It has a strong populist streaks. It has a straightforward and popular stance on Palestine and the Arab uprisings. Like most Tunisian parties the PCOT is relatively small, but it has built a relatively strong organizational infrastructure with branches spread out across the country and a very efficient propaganda and communications effort using Facebook and other social media. It has a vibrant youth and student component and older networks built over its many years of clandestine activism (it remains a Leninist organization after all). Its activists and leaders frequently appeared on al-Jazeera and France 24 during and after the uprising. (Readers may recall seeing Hamma Hammami’s daughter on an al-Jazeera English program focused on young women involved in the uprising (in January or February) identified as the daughter of a prominent opposition figure whose affiliation was not mentioned.) Its political acumen will be put to the test in the open in October.


Published by Victor Vaughn

Anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist, monarch of Latveria, owner, National Secretary of the American Party of Labor (APL) and operator of "The Espresso Stalinist" blog.

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