“When our Party was founded, during the National Liberation War, as well as after Liberation, our people had very little knowledge about China. But, like all the revolutionaries of the world, we, too, had formed an opinion that it was progressive: “China is a vast continent. China is fighting, the revolution against foreign imperialism, against concessions is seething in China,” etc., etc.”
— Imperialism and the Revolution
“We defended China, Mao Tsetung, and the Cultural Revolution, because we defended Marxism-Leninism.”
— Enver Hoxha, “The Admission of China to the United Nations Organization”, 26 October 1971, in Hoxha, E., Reflections on China, vol. 1, Tirana, 1979, p. 600.
“Each time that our party noticed that the CPC was practicing acts and adopting attitudes which were in opposition with Marxist-Leninism and with proletarian internationalism, in opposition with the interests of socialism and the revolution, it tried to expose the CPC’s errors and criticized the CPC in a comradely spirit. But the leadership of the CPC never wanted to apply Marxist-Leninist principles to the relations between parties.”
— Letter from the Central Committee of the PLA to the Central Committee of the CPC and to the Chinese government, Tirana, 28th July of 1978, translated from French language.
“We trust you will understand the reason for the delay in our reply. This was because your decision came as a surprise to us and was taken without any preliminary consultation between us on this question, so that we would be able to express and thrash out our opinions. This, we think, could have been useful, because preliminary consultations, between close friends, determined co-fighters against imperialism and revisionism, are useful and necessary, and especially so, when steps which, in our opinion, have a major international effect and repercussion are taken…Considering the Communist Party of China as a sister party and our closest co-fighter, we have never hidden our views from it. That is why on this major problem which you put before us, we inform you that we consider your decision to receive Nixon in Beijing as incorrect and undesirable, and we do not approve or support it. It will also be our opinion that Nixon’s announced visit to China will not be understood or approved of by the peoples, the revolutionaries and the communists of different countries.”
— Enver Hoxha, Selected Works: 1966–1975, vol. 4 (Tirana: 8 Nëntori Publishing House, 1982), 666–667, 668.
“Likewise, during his talks with us here in Tirana, Chou En-lai said, <Stalin suspected us of being pro-American or that we might go the Yugoslav way>. Time has proved that Stalin was completely right.”
— Imperialism and the Revolution
“Mao Tsetung and the Communist Party of China have maintained a pragmatic stand towards Yugoslav revisionism and have made a great evolution in their views about Tito and Titoism. At first, Mao Tsetung said that Tito was not wrong, but it was Stalin who had been wrong about Tito. Then the same Mao Tsetung ranks Tito with Hitler and Chiang Kai-shek and says that <such people… as Tito, Hitler, Chiang Kaishek and the Czar cannot be corrected, they should be killed.> However, he changed his stand again and expressed his great desire to meet Tito.”
— Imperialism and the Revolution
“The Chinese comrades want to impose Mao by force as the ‘greatest Marxist in the whole history of communism’, want the whole communist movement of the world to adopt and apply their experience en bloc, to apply their Cultural Revolution.”
— Enver Hoxha, “The Foreign Policy of China – a Policy of Self-Isolation”, 14 July 1967, in Hoxha, E., Reflections on China, vol. 1, Tirana, 1979, p. 371.
“All these have not been academic contributions to a «scientific» discussion but a counterrevolutionary opportunist political line which has been set up in opposition to Marxism-Leninism, which has disorganized the Communist Party of China, in the ranks of which a hundred and one views and ideas have been circulating and today there really are 100 schools contending. This has enabled the bourgeois wasps to circulate freely in the garden of 100 flowers and release their venom.”
— Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English.
“In the future, along with the transformation of China into an imperialist superpower, the role and the power of the army in the life of the country will steadily increase. It will be strengthened as a praetorian guard, armed to the teeth, for the defence of a capitalist regime and economy. It will be the tool of a bourgeois capitalist dictatorship, a dictatorship which, if the people’s resistance is strong, may even assume open fascist forms.”
— Imperialism and the Revolution
“Chou’s statement at the banquet with Mobutu is flagrantly anti-Marxist. He included China in the «third world». This means to deny socialism, to conceal the true individuality of China and the character of its socio-economic order from the eyes of the world. This is an opportunist, anti-Marxist view. (…) General Mobutu and his clique are reactionaries, the murderers of Lumumba and other progressive individuals in their country. China receives the representative of this anti-democratic African clique with great honours (…).”
— Enver Hoxha, Reflections on China, Volume II, January 15, 1973, Tirana, 1979, edition in English.
“How is it possible in the present epoch of social development, which has at its hub the most revolutionary class, the proletariat, to call a grouping of states, the overwhelming bulk of which are ruled by the bourgeoisie and the feudal lords, indeed, even open reactionaries and fascists, the motive force? This is a gross distortion of Marx’s theory.”
— Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, Tirana, 1979, edition in English.
September 15th, 1964
Throughout the development of the struggle of Communist Party of China against the modern revisionists, it has displayed some astonishing vacillations in its tactics. One remembers the Moscow Meeting of 1957, when Comrade Mao publicly supported Khrushchev approving his action in denouncing Stalin and in condemning the anti-Party group of Molotov, and advocating unity with the Khrushchev group.
When I met Comrade Mao in Peking in 1956; he criticized the ‘incorrect’ actions of Stalin, particularly his actions in relation to Yugoslavia, describing the Yugoslavs as ‘good Marxists’.”
— E. Hoxha, Reflections on China, Part 1, Vol. 1
“By preaching the need for the existence of many parties in the leadership of the country, the so-called political pluralism, ‘Mao Tsetung thought’ falls into complete opposition to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine on the indivisible role of the communist party in the revolution and socialist construction.
“Which is better in the final analysis,” Mao Tsetung asked, “to have just one party or several?”And he answered, “As we see it now, it’s perhaps better to have several parties. This has been true in the past and may well be so for the future; it means long-term coexistence and mutual supervision”.
(Mao Tsetung, Selected Works, Vol. 5, p. 319)
According to ‘Mao Tsetung thought’, a new democratic regime can exist and socialism can be built only on the basis of the collaboration of all classes and all parties. Such a concept of socialist democracy, of the socialist political system, which is based on ‘long-term coexistence and mutual supervision’ of all parties, and which is very much like the current preachings of the Italian, French, Spanish and other revisionists, is an open denial of the leading and indivisible role of the Marxist-Leninist party in the revolution and the construction of socialism.”
— E. Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, p. 399
“On the question of the relationship between the democratic revolution and the socialist revolution, Mao Tse-tung takes the standpoint of the chiefs of the Second International, who were the first to attack and distort the Marxist-Leninist theory about the rise of the revolution and came out with the thesis that between the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the socialist revolution, there is a long period, during which the bourgeoisie develops capitalism and creates the conditions for the transition to the proletarian revolution. In conformity with the policy of the ‘equal right to land,’ the kulak stratum, in the forms which have existed in China, has retained great advantages and profits. Mao Tse-tung himself gave orders that the kulaks must not be touched, because this might anger the national bourgeoisie with which the Communist Party of China had formed a common united front, politically, economically and organizationally.”
— E. Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution.
The Espresso Stalinist 