Category Archives: Anasintaxi (KKE 1918-55)

Nikos Zahariadis: Tito Clique’s Stab in the Back to People’s Democratic Greece

From For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 15 (42), 1 August, 1949

Nikos Zahariadis
General Secretary,
Communist Party of Greece

Every inhabitant of Greece knows very well that monarcho-fascism would not have been able to hold out for a few months had it not been for the all-round and open aid of the American and British imperialists.

Our main difficulties arise from the fact that the Anglo-American imperialists are stubbornly trying to retain a foothold in Greece. The country is highly important to them for strategic reasons, and they are trying to turn it into a vital bridge head against the People’s Democracies and the Soviet Union. Churchill’s old plans in this respect, for instance, are well-known. However, foreign imperialism’s positions in Greece were badly shaken last year by the military defeat of monarcho-fascism in the Grammos-Vitsi area and by the collapse of its strategic plan for 1948. The People’s revolutionary movement and the democratic army extended and consolidated their positions in Peloponnesus, Rumelia, Thessaly and on the islands of Samos and Eubeia.

This placed the monarcho-fascist regime in a critical position. In their reports General Papagos, Vendiris, Tsakalotos and others openly admitted that army morale had been shaken. Hundreds of men and officers were shot. King Paul himself was compelled to speak about the moral crisis in the army. The Athens clique was in severe economic difficulties and the political crisis was steadily sapping the foundations of monarcho-fascism. Both at home and abroad, people who were by no means our friends began to realise that the only way out for the reactionaries was to reach a peaceful settlement and conclude an agreement.

The treachery of the Tito clique was disclosed at the very moment when the crisis of monarcho-fascism was coming to a head. Tito’s treachery meant serious new difficulties for our people’s democratic movement, for it strengthened the determination of the Anglo-American imperialists to retain, at all costs, their hold on Greece for the very purpose of making full use of the Tito clique and extending their base in the Balkans. At the same time the Tito clique’s over to the camp of imperialism raised the deflated hopes of monarcho-fascism.

The people’s democratic movement of our country has never, since the time of the first occupation, known of such a cunning and foul enemy as the Tito clique. The Great Serbia chauvinism of the Titoites in relation to the resistance movement in Greece was evident as far back as 1943, when the leadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party declared that the people of Aegean Macedonia could only win their liberation within the framework of Yugoslavia. The corollary of this was that it was the prime duty of all Macedonian patriots to fight against the Communist Party of Greece and EAM and instead to collaborate with the Tito agents.

This was the directive followed by Tito’s man in Aegean Macedonia, Tempo (Vukmanovic). This was the directive applied in practice by their chief agent, Goce. Today is it being carried out by Goce-Koramidjiev gang. During all these years the Tito clique sent thousands of its agents into the Communist Party of Greece and into EAM with the job of undermining the Communist Party of Greece and splitting the unity of the people’s liberation movement.

It is clear that Greek reaction and Anglo-American imperialism could not have found a better ally than the Tito clique. The following detail is extremely characteristic: in October 1944 when the British landed in Greece, Tempo at the head of the provocative movement against the Communist Party of Greece, informed the Communists of Aegean Macedonia that he has asked Tito for two divisions to occupy Salonika. This was before the December events; the British were not sure that they could hold Greece. Preferring to see Salonika occupied by Tito than in the hands of ELAS, the British parachuted weapons onto the aerodrome at Grupista. These were sent on to Vapsori by Tito’s agents – Tempo, Goce and Pios – to be used against ELAS. Even during the Hitler occupation Goce and Pios formed groups of Macedonian and collaborated with Tempo. It can be regarded as an established fact that, as a consequence, Evans, former representative of the British military mission in Macedonia, insisted on the network of these groups being extended. It was at the help of these groups that Goce, Pios and Keramidjiev carried out their disruptive activities against the people’s liberation movement in Greece.

In December 1944 Tito, who dreamt of snatching Salonika from people’s democratic Greece, did nothing to help us fight the British, in spite of all his earlier pompous statements. If anything, he stepped up his slander campaign against the Communist Party of Greece, especially Aegean Macedonia.

Tito organised the mass emigration of Macedonians to Yugoslavia thus depriving Aegean Macedonia of its Macedonian population. Incidentally, the Greek monarcho-fascists have been trying to the same thing for many years, hoping to change the ethnical composition Aegean Macedonia. Then again, the Titoites are trying to recruit agents from these refugees who, after the necessary training, are sent to Greece to operate against the Communist Party of Greece, EAM and our people’s revolutionary movement.

Since 1943 the Greek Communist Party and revolutionary movement have been two fires: on the one side the foreign imperialists and monarcho-fascist, on the other- the Tito clique and its executive organ, the Goce- Keramidiev gang which had and still has hundreds of Yugoslav intelligence servicemen in Aegean Macedonia. In 1944, acting on orders from Skopje, Goce crossed over to Yugoslavia with his detachment. Today Goce and Keramidjiev have their headquarters in Skopje.

Time and again the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece drew the attention of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party to the counter-revolutionary actions of these agents, proved by irrefutable documentary evidence, and demanded that their activities should be stopped. The Central Committee of the Yugoslav Party, however, did not do a thing to cut short these provocation actions.

It has been proved beyond doubt that Hristos Vlachos, who in 1947 in Salonika killed Yannis Zevgos, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Greek Party, was an agent of the Yugoslav intelligence, service and had received his instruction from Skopje. He arrived in Salonika on orders of the Yugoslav intelligence, placed himself at the disposal of General Zervas, an agent of the British Intelligence Service, and later murdered Zevgos. Five monarcho-fascist officers, some of them murderers of the people, escaped to Yugoslavia from a war prisoner’s camp with the help of Rankovic. The Central committee of the Yugoslav Party stated that it knew absolutely nothing about this, even though we gave them details of the date and the exact spot where the monarcho-fascists had crossed the border. Border officers and soldiers had informed us that the monarcho-fascists had crossed into Yugoslavia.

We have captured dozens of Yugoslav intelligence officers. In December 1948 two Yugoslav agents, Gunaris Menos and Gallios Mitsos, were detained in Prespa. These agents disclosed the names of the Yugoslav intelligence officers who had sent them and the assignment they had been given.

The Communist Party of Greece has at its disposal other damning proof of the treachery and disruptive activity of the Tito clique against the revolutionary movement in Greece. The nationalist gang of the treacherous Yugoslav leadership was always a mortal enemy to the Communist Party and people of Greece. Recent events are fresh evidence that the Tito clique helped and is continuing to help Greek and international reaction against the Greek people more and more openly.

In its communiqué of July 6, 1949 the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army stated that on July 5, 1949 monarcho-fascist troops used Yugoslav territory in order to bypass units of the Democratic Army in the Kaimakchalan area. The same day the “Free Greece” telegraph agency, basing itself on an official document (the report of lieutenant colonel Petropulos, commander of the monarcho-fascists’ 516th battalion, to General Grigoropulos, commander of the 3rd army corps), reported that on July 4, 1949, that is, on the eve of the day when the monarcho-fascists crossed Yugoslav territory, a meeting of Yugoslav and monarcho-fascist Greek officers had been held in the area of Popovolossi and Kaimakchalan. This meeting was attended by British and American officers. The Tanjug agency did not refute this fact, neither did the representative of the British Foreign Office when asked about this meeting. Again, neither did Tito deny it in his speech at Pola (Istria), on July 10, 1949. Like the Tanjug agency, he merely tried to refute the fact that an agreement had been reached allowing the monarcho-fascist to use Yugoslav territory.

Such was the Belgrade version when the United Nations Balkan Commission in Athens published its communiqué on July 21, 1949. The sole aim of this communiqué was to cover up Tito’s collaboration with the monarcho-fascists, a collaboration that had been laid bare by the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army and the Free Greece radio on July 6, 1949. This communiqué of the Balkan Commission is highly significant since, to begin with, for the first time in its history the Commission admitted that the monarcho-fascists had violated the Yugoslav frontier in the Kaimakchalan area on many occasions. It claimed, however, that this had been done by artillery and aircraft and not by infantry. Secondly, the communiqué admitted that a meeting of monarcho-fascist and Yugoslav officers had been held in the Kaimakchalan area.

After the Tito clique’s betrayal of the Greek people’s liberation struggle had been exposed in the eyes of progressive mankind and the Yugoslav people, the Yugoslav leaders found it necessary to mobilise yet another provocateur. On July 24, following the example of Tito and Djilas, Kardelj also made a statement to Tanjug on the Greek question. He denied everything: the agreement with Tsaldaris, the negotiations in the Kaimakchalan area, and the use of Yugoslav territory by the monarcho-fascists. He concluded by giving the Jesuit assurance that the Belgrade Government “continues to sympathise” with the movement of the Greek people, but that it “cannot force its assistance on them” and that “the agents of the Information Bureau who slandered Tito” are responsible for this.

We have never doubted the sympathy of the Yugoslav people. As for those who are responsible, “The Times” makes it clear when it writes that in his statement at Pola, Tito gave the Americans the necessary guarantees in advance for the dollars which he needs.

In order to mask their treachery, the traitors Tito, Djilas, Kardelj and company would have the world believe that morale of the Greek democrats is at a low ebb and that they are losing confidence in victory. As a matter of fact these Titoites are doing everything to undermine the morale of the Greek democrats. Tito’s treachery and his long-standing subversive activities against the people’s democratic movement in Greece are causing us serious difficulties. Tito has a deadly hatred for the Geek people’s liberation movement and is viciously fighting against it. But he is mistaken, and so are his monarcho-fascist allies and their common masters, if they think that they will be able to crush us.

Throughout Greece – in Rumelia, Thessaly, Peloponnesus, Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace and on the islands – the Greek Democratic Army is continuing its struggle against the enemy with unshaken courage in the face of enormous difficulties. A broad strike movement covering tens of thousands of factory and office workers is gaining strength in the cities. Hundreds of thousands of peasants who are literally starving to death in the cities where they have been forcibly driven by the monarcho-fascists, hate the Athens Government with all their soul. Reaction in Greece is in the throes of an economic, political and moral crisis from which it can find no way out. The Greek Democratic Army will come face to face with monarcho-fascism in the great battles that will be fought in Grammos and Vitsi.

We are fight because we want peace, because we want to establish democracy and the independence of Greece. Reaction is out for war. It wants to crush us at all costs and is using the Tito clique for this purpose. Thanks to the assistance and solidarity of progressive mankind, including the Yugoslav people, the people of Greece will be victorious both in war and will win a people’s democracy and national independence.

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Nikos Belogiannis on Stalin & “Stalinism”

Stalin embodies the aspirations and desires, hopes and dreams of millions and billions of people. It is the personification of an era, the most historical era that the humanity has seen so far, the great Stalinist era, the era of communism.

— Nikos Belogiannis, Speech of the 70th birthday of the Great Stalin (“Anasintaxi” issue 107, 1-15/4/2001)

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VI Congress of Emek Partisi

From En Marcha
# 1562 January 5 to 13, 2012

Resolution

We support the peoples who have rebelled for their rights and their freedom; we condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran.

Throughout 2011, the Arab peoples of North Africa and the Near East have risen one after another. They do not want to be victims of the consequences of the hegemony of monopoly capitalism nor to be subjected to poverty and unemployment, and they rejected the repression of the autocratic dictatorships that safeguarded such hegemony. The despotic regimes that have lasted for 30 to 40 years have been the main reason for the disorganization of the oppressed masses and have served as an obstacle to their attaining consciousness. The peoples who have risen up have achieved some victories but they have not been able to reap important fruits of this struggle, such as for example to achieve their own political power. Therefore, these reactionary bourgeois forces supported by Western imperialism have maintained or have tried to maintain their hegemony through the strengthening of their pillars with new collaborators, seeing that their hegemony was in difficulty.

The Arab peoples, who have risen up, have realized their potential and have tasted certain victories, which is why their struggles have still not been repressed in any country except for Libya. Despite their low level of consciousness and organization, the peoples are carrying forward their uprisings with an effort to try to overcome their weakness, and they insist on opposing the attacks by reactionary forces that have been organized especially by elements of political Islam, which has become more moderate and pro-American in almost all those countries.

We understand that the communist parties and organizations that are signing this document, gathered at the Sixth Congress of the Party of Labor of Turkey, express our pride and solidarity with the struggles of the masses of the people, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Near East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, for their social and popular rights and freedoms; as well we proclaim our support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people against the Zionist imperialism of Israel.

However, we are aware of the fact that our main weakness is the inadequate level of consciousness and organization of the peoples of the world, with a view to any process of struggle. The imperialists and their collaborators take advantage of this weakness in their efforts to renovate the weakened bases of their hegemony and to repress those struggles through ideological penetration and infiltration in those struggles of the peoples that imperialism claims to support, manipulating these struggles towards their own interests and eliminating the popular features of these struggles.

Western imperialism, which maintains hegemony in its hands and tries to strengthen its position in relation to the ascending imperialist powers, not only aims to reinforce its hegemony in the countries under its influence through the repression of the popular struggles, but also tries to establish its hegemony by extending its influence on the peoples and their struggles and using them as a tool in countries such as Syria and Iran, which have not yet been subjugated.

We do not support the regimes of either Assad or Khamenei. However, we stress the fact that the imperialist powers are intervening with the support of the reactionary forces in the region such as Turkey and the Saudis, in the name of support for the so-called “opposition” in Syria and Iran under the pretext of the struggle for “democracy” and “repression of the dictators”; these policies have nothing to do with the right of self-determination of the peoples or the democratic and social aspirations of peoples. We are opposed to imperialist interventions – economic as well as political and military – for whatever reason, whether they are called by their obliging collaborators or not, and we condemn such policies that only lead to war, bloodshed and suffering.

We call on the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be alert to the interventions and imperialist tricks such as those that have taken place in Libya, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to support the fight against imperialism and its reactionary forces.

Ankara, December 2011

Communist Party of Albania
Communist Party of Benin
Party of Labor of Belgium
New Party of Cyprus
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Spain (ML)
Organization for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece
Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia
Emek Partisi of Turkey

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William Z. Foster on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“Stalin has further developed Marxism-Leninism through many invaluable theoretical accomplishments. His principal contributions to Marxian theory lie in indicating the path of the actual building of socialism in the U.S.S.R. Thus, his powerful polemics against Trotsky, Zinoviev, Bukharin and their counterrevolutionary affiliates comprised the greatest ideological struggle of our times. They clarified every aspect of the vast and unique problem of building socialism in one country, and surveyed the whole position of international capitalism. They resulted in a decisive victory for the leadership of the Communist Party and, thereby, of socialism.”

“Stalin has raised the whole Marxist-Leninist structure still another stage higher by revealing the path to the actual building of socialism and the development toward communism.“

“Leninism-Stalinism also was the theoretical basis of the international policy of the people’s front, the historically imperative tactic to unite the masses of workers, farmers, professionals and small business people in the capitalist and colonial countries in effective struggle against fascism and for democracy.”

(William Z. Foster, “Lenin and Stalin as Mass Leaders” The Communist, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, December 1939)

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Georgi Dimitrov on Stalinism

“The social-democrat lackeys often call us “stalinists” and they think that in this way they insult the communists. But we are proud of this honorary appellation as we are proud of the appellation “leninists”. There is no greater honor for a revolutionary than being a true leninist, a true stalinist, a devoted disciple of Lenin and Stalin until the end. And there is no greater happiness for the communists than fighting under the guidance of Stalin for the triumph of the international proletariat’s just cause. Not everybody can be a stalinist. The honorary appellation “leninist-stalinist” has to be won through bolshevik struggle, persistence and unlimited devotion to the cause of the working class”

 – G. Dimitrov “Stalin and the international proletariat”, 1939.

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Dimitris Glinos on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“Stalin, in the era of socialist reconstruction of society on the conditions of the struggle against the reactionary fascism enriched Marxism-Leninism with many elements which developed in new social conditions. Marxism, worldview and lively method of the proletariat and the Communist Party developed in Leninism-Stalinism, gives a unique sound knowledge of the world and the way of action for change in the interest of social progress.

The current social reality of the terrible warfare which came from the internal contradictions of capitalism and fascism imposed by a testament to the correctness of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism”.

(Dimitris Glinos, “Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism”, Communist Review, Athens, June 1943, pp. 391-392)

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Nikos Zachariadis on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“It is our duty, armed with the theory and the method of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin, the ideological arsenal of Marxism – Leninism – Stalinism, to study and dissects Greek life and reality with a time of changes and developments to analyze and know the modern Greek, local peculiarities and characteristics, to illuminate the Greek beam path to people’s democracy and socialism – communism”

(Nikos Zachariadis, “Marxism-Leninism in Greece”, Communist Review, Athens, June 1946, p. 5)

“4. If Leninism is the passage from imperialism to the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, Stalinism is the transition to socialism under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Stalinism in theory illuminated the path of socialism and made him become true. But this is only a part of it.

7. So what is Stalinism? Stalinism is Marxism – Leninism of the era of socialism. The victory of socialism in one sixth of the world, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, is the main motive, created the foundation for the victory of the world revolution.”

(Nikos Zachariadis, “Positions on the History of KKE”, June 19, 1939, chapter 7. Taken from “Nikos Zachariadis: Selected Works”, Publication of the CC of KKE, April 27, 1953, pp. 38-41)

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Joint Statement on the situation in the Middle East

January 16, 2012

Support the people who have risen up for their rights and their freedom! We condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran!

During 2011 the Arab people in North Africa and the Middle East stood up, one after the other. They did not want to be exposed to the consequences of monopolistic capitalist hegemony, as unemployment and poverty. They said no to oppression from the autocratic dictatorships that have watched this hegemony. But the 30-40 year-old despot regimes has been the main cause of the disorganization of the oppressed masses and has also prevented them from developing their awareness. The people who stood up have won some victories, but could not reap the real fruits of their struggle, to be able to form their own political power. At the same time, these bourgeois reactionary forces, supported by Western imperialists, preserved or try to preserve its hegemony by strengthening the power base with its new partners, although this hegemony has encountered certain difficulties.

The Arab people who stood up realizing their potential and tasted victory, and their struggle has not yet been turned down in any country, except in Libya. Despite the low consciousness and organization continues their people revolt and tries to overcome their weaknesses. They insist on resisting the reactionary forces that have reorganized themselves, especially through the advent of political Islam, which has been moderate and pro-American in almost every country.

“We oppose all imperialist interventions, whatever pretext”

We, the undersigned revolutionary communist and working parties that meet the Turkish Labor Party 6 Congress, expressing our pride and solidarity with the peoples’ mass struggles, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, who are fighting for their national and social rights and freedoms, and we declare our support for the Palestinian people’s just struggle against imperialism and Israeli Zionism.

However, we are also aware of the fact that our biggest weakness is the inadequate consciousness and organization level of the world’s people, whether to rebel or other fields. And the imperialists and their collaborators exploit this weakness in attempts to renew the decaying basis of its hegemony and suppress the fighting by infiltrating the ranks of the people they claim to support, by manipulating these games in their own interest and remove them from their popular content.

The western imperialists, who have world domination in their hands and trying to strengthen its positions in competition with the rising imperialist powers, has not only aims to strengthen its domination in the countries that traditionally have been under their influence by suppressing the people’s struggles but they are also trying to establish its hegemony by influencing people and their struggles and use them as lifting rods in countries like Syria and Iran, as they have not been able to force the knee.

We support either Assad or Khamenei regime. But we also underlines the fact that when Western imperialists intervene with support from the reactionary forces in the region, the Turkish and Saudi reactionary forces, under the pretext of “democracy” and “dictator’s repression” has such a policy has nothing to do with people’s right to self or with people’s social and democratic aspirations.

We oppose all imperialist interventions – economic, political and military – whatever pretext, whether they are invited by the cooperative lackeys or not, and we condemn such a policy, which only brings war, blood and tears.

We ask all people of the world, and particularly the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be on guard against the imperialist interventions and traps in the style of the Libyan example, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to continue the struggle against imperialism and the reactionary forces .

Ankara, 20.12.2011

Albania’s communist party
Benin Communist Party
Belgium’s Labour
Cyprus’ new communist party
Ecuador’s Marxist-Leninist Communist Party
Spanish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninists)
Organization for the reconstruction of Greece’s Communist Party (Anasintaxi)
Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT)
Turkey’s Workers’ Party (Emek Partisi)

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KKE 1918-55: Chronology of world-wide actions of protests against the shooting of workers in Zhanaozen

The bloody events in the Mangistauski region on December 16th have triggered a wave of indignation worldwide. Soon after the news of the shooting made it to the outside world the diplomatic missions of Kazakhstan have faced actions of protests and solidarity with the ailing workers and peaceful residents.

On December 18th in Tel-Aviv a demonstration in solidarity with the oil workers of Kazakhstan took place in front of the embassy. The demonstration was organized by the workers union “Strength to the workers”, the Arab-Jewish social movement “Tarabut” and the movement “Socialist struggle”.

In Moscow the first demonstration of solidarity took place the evening of December 16th in front of the embassy of Kazakhstan. The comrades of the committee for a workers international put up a poster with the slogan “Now in Kazakhstan a peaceful demonstration of workers under strike is being attacked”. People passing by would stop and ask questions about the events in the country. Having learned about the events in the country people expressed their repudiation and discontent. Police officers in charge of security at the embassy would also express indignation. Later in the day people, mostly left activists, would come and leave flowers tied with black ribbons. On December 17th a second action of protest and solidarity with the workers of Kazakhstan took place in Moscow. Rank-and-file citizens organized via social networks showed up at the embassy of Kazakhstan to bring flowers in order to express their felt condolences with those workers and innocent civilians of Zhanaozen who lost their lives and to protest against the Kazak authorities. No embassy officials came out to communicate with the demonstrators.

Communists of the Leningrad committee of the Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP), the left organization “Rot Front” (not officially registered as a political organization), and comrades from leftist organizations put together a picket line under the banner of the workers union “Zaschita”. The picket line was organized on December 17th in front of the Consulate General of Kazakhstan in the presence of a large police contingent. Diplomatic officials refused to communicate with the picket line. A statement addressed to the president and deputies of the Kazakh parliament with the demand to stop violent action against workers and an expression of solidarity with those who struggle against the dictatorship of Nazarbaev was read out in public and was attached to the gate of the Consulate General.

Riot police form a line in Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan

The evening of December 16th youth organizations of leftist orientation gathered at the embassy of Kazakhstan in Kiev. A demonstration took place to demand the immediate cessation of violent action against peaceful residents of Zhanaozen. Diplomatic officials of Kazakhstan thinking that those gathered convened to congratulate them with the “day of independence” came out to greet the demonstrators. When they understood the intent of the demonstration they run away back into the premises without being able to answer questions. Demonstrators laid flowers and attached to the gates of the diplomatic mission black ribbons and placards with slogans such as “Oil is not worth blood”, “Stop the shooting of peaceful civilians”,
“Authorities of Kazakhstan are killers”.

That same date and at the same time few tens of representatives of leftist organizations, including the association “Borotba”, left opposition forces RKAS, independent anarchists and others, came out to the Consulate of Kazakhstan in Odessa. In memory of fallen representatives of the working class, left activists brought flowers and a five-pointed star made out of candles, a symbol of international proletarian solidarity, was drawn under the walls of the diplomatic mission. The security service behaved aggressively, especially the official in charge, who physically harassed peaceful demonstrators and tried to confiscate the camera of a journalist. Nevertheless, the self-confidence of the leftist activists prevented further hostile action on the side of security forces. Few brief speeches took place protesting against the action of killers dressed in police form and with a emotional support of comrades in Kazakhstan.

On December 16th in the German town of Aachen an action of protest was organized by socialists and leftists to protest against the killing of oil workers and their supporters in Kazakhstan. Despite the heavy rain and low temperatures, residents of Aachen expressed strong interests towards the events in Kazakhstan and gave a strong signal against the actions of the Kazakh authorities.

A Kazakh riot police officer patrols in center of Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan, Saturday, Dec. 17, 2011. Violent clashes broke out Friday between police and demonstrators in an oil town in western Kazakhstan. Authorities in Kazakhstan said Saturday that they have restored order to an oil town rocked by fatal clashes between police and demonstrators. (AP / AP)

In Dublin, Paul Murphy, a deputy at the Euro-parliament from the Socialist party of Ireland and other members of the same party organized a picket line in solidarity with the Kazakh workers under attack by the authorities. The picket line got a strong support from automobiles passing by.

In Sweden there is no Kazakh embassy. As a result, the Kazakh company “Telia” was the targeted by protesters. This is a former government-owned telecommunication company that controls 98% of the grid network for mobile telephones in Kazakhstan. In the evening of December 16th in the Swedish towns of Stockholm, Goteborg and Lulea activists of the Committee for workers international distributed leaflets. Many people passing by expressed solidarity and disgust by comparing the Kazakh regime with those taken down by revolutions in the Arab-speaking world. In addition to various actions of protest, the Socialist party of Equality contacted various newspapers and unions to inform them about the bloody events.

A group of members and sympathizers of the socialist party of Belgium together with assistants to the deputy of the Euro-parliament Paul Murphy, organized an action of protest at the embassy of Kazakhstan in Brussels. Members of the socialist party of England and Wales also protested in London in order to support the struggle of the oil workers.

On December 16th the “Socialist Alternative” in Germany organized an action of protest in front of the Kazakh embassy in Berlin. Few documents were handed to embassy officials. The most important among of the documents was a letter of protest signed by three members of the Bundestag and members of a leftist organization. Activists also handed to the deputy of the Kazakh ambassador a letter from “Socialist Alternative” and another form Kristina Lenert, a deputy of the city hall in Rostock. The embassy official accepted the letters after the police (which he himself contacted!) showed up.

In Austria two actions of protest against the policies of Kazak authorities were organized: One near the Kazak Consulate in Graz and another near the Consulate in Vienna. During the action in Graz by passers were outraged by the events in Kazakhstan and reacted warmly to the organizers of the protest. In Vienna a Consulate official met the protesters. A letter of protest was handed to him.

Bodies in the morgues of Zhanaozen

Other organizations around the world expressed their discontent with the violent actions inflicted on workers and residents of Zhanaozen: The Communist Party of Greece, the Greek union PAME, the Communist Party of Bielorussia, Poland and Azerbaijan, the Russian Congress of Soviets of workers, specialist and state officials, the All-Ukrainian strike committee and several other unions, the Kazak organization in Poland “Wspolnota Kazachska”, the Conference of unions of Russia, the World Federation of unions, the International Conference of Unions.

On December 20th-21st a new wave of protests followed in Germany. On December 20th the “Socialist Alternative” organized simultaneous protests in Cologne and Berlin. On December 21st in Hong Kong an action of protest was organized in front of the building of the Kazak Consulate. Activists promised to launch a program of protests near the buildings of corporations linked to the oil business in Kazakhstan. On that same day Russian activists organized another picket at the monument to Engels in Moscow. On December 23rd activists of Rot Front demonstrated in front of the Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan in Moscow. Since December 16th picket lines take place on a daily basis at the embassy of Kazakhstan. Citizens keep bringing flowers.

At this stage a new campaign of protest coordinated internationally is being discussed. The deputy of the Euro-parliament from the Socialist party of Ireland, Paul Murphy, has collected the support of 47 deputies of left orientation and has declared about the formation of an international commission to investigate the massive shooting of workers and peaceful civilians in Zhaoneze and the village of Shetpe on December 16th, 17th and 18th. Russian civil rights activists are now willing to organize support for the workers by initiating the collection of signatures addressed at the Russian authorities to put pressure on Astana (the capital of Kazakhstan. Note of translator). They are also willing to participate in the campaign of protest to free Natalia Sokolovaya, a union attorney currently in custody of the Kazak authorities.

The struggle and the actions of protest continue.

Distributed by Proletarskaya Gazeta, 25.12.2011.

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More photos from PAME-“K”KE stance on October 20

Members of "K"KE-PAME in front of police forces uphold the Greek Parliament using sticks and helmets

Members of "K"KE-PAME attacked protesters during the second day of the 48-hour general strike (October 19-20)

None of these photos were published in "Rizospastis". newspaper of "K"KE

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The reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: Impact force of the capital upheld the reactionary bourgeois parliament

Surprised thousands of workers striking protesters and anti-fascists of various political orientations and members-but fans of “K” KE-PAME who were in Constitution Square the second (20 Ochtovri) day of 48-hour strike they first saw the reformist leaders to assume stewardship the reactionary bourgeois parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, ie the imposition of bourgeois legality, with the “excuse” the safeguarding of “own” ie that the concentration of PAME, apparently replacing the police and the civilian Army who uses the bourgeoisie when the police are inefficient and unable to fulfill this “pious” work ie to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime.

The surprise, of course, thousands of demonstrators strikers are entirely justified, because this phenomenon is completely new to the action of right-wing opportunists antistalinikon-antizachariadikon leaders and such a shameful act anepanastatiki happens for the first time in the history of the local political process chroustsofikis social democracy: to take the reformists leaders of the “K” KE-PAME’s role and work of the Police ie guard the bourgeois parliament and ensure that civil legitimacy and the full replacement. But this ignominious fate of the reformist leaders was not a random and isolated incident, nor was an error estimate: instead it was expected and inevitable, is not new, and perhaps the last link in a long chain in the course of constant betrayal of social democratic Khrushchev “K” JV starting from the mid-50 when protosygkrotithike (March 56), after the violent revolutionary Communist Party from the brutal intervention of Khrushchev, Brezhnev, etc. therein, from the Soviet treacherous chroustsofiki group as an outset antistaliniko antizachariadiko-urban, social democratic type party.

For antistalinikous-antizachariadikous opportunist leaders of the new reformist “K” KE (56) are the words of Lenin’s old social democracy, “the factors of the labor movement who belong to the opportunist trend are the best defenders of the bourgeoisie, despite themselves bourgeoisie “(Lenin), and” there just is the starting point and the current counterrevolutionary role of the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME open civil defense system by challenging employees to uphold the reactionary bourgeois parliament, evolution surprise for thousands of workers and protesters has the background to – default but from the chroustsofiki direction – two important stages, before it reaches the end-Ochtovri of 2011, which is essential to fully brief report that will highlight the best and convincingly Today’s revolutionary energy and their inevitable outcome, over a period of sharpening class struggle.

1.Dekaetia of 80: the disgraceful stewardship of the Embassy of the U.S. imperialists with the Police

When in November 1980, the state University, the Government of monarcho-fascists party SW (Prime Minister G. Rallis) ordered the police to attack protesters who tried to “break” the fascist prohibition on the road to the American Embassy, ​​with the result that many hundreds of injured protesters and murder of a young laborer Stamatia Kanellopoulos and Cypriot student James Koumi, leader of bourgeois party PASOK and Papandreou that the social democratic “K” KE X. Florakis instead condemn the government of murderers denounced the demonstrators and attributed to these bloody episodes caused by the fascist police attack, with instructions of Prime Minister G. Rallis (son of worthy collaborators father Ioannis Rallis occupation Prime Minister appointed from the German conquerors).

In another time, in 1981, won the elections PASOK bourgeois, and the then new Prime Minister has allowed for the first time the continuation of trajectories in the American Embassy (as in 1981 banned the marches by the government of New Democracy party monarcho-fascists in the U.S. Embassy, ​​allowed only as the Constitution).

From the very first time the Embassy of U.S. imperialists not only patrolling the police and members-fans of “K” KE was always lined up in front in chains and behind them stood fully armed riot police, a practice that continued for decades. Many of the members-fans (unfortunately employees-naive victim of a treacherous policy) of the “K” KE guarded fanatically, synofryomenoi and scowl, the Embassy of the United States, ready to “sacrifice” for not done any ” provocation “and” abandoned “the notorious ‘parliamentary’ road to the” great change “and” socialism “they promised at the time the twin policies apateoniskon Papandreou Florakis.

This was the first time that chroustsofikoi leaders “K” KE guarding a stranger – not Greek – capitalist building (U.S. Embassy) and even the building, symbol of sovereignty in our country of the U.S. imperialists, the biggest and most bloody imperialist power of our time, and that the name of “cancellation” of any “provocation” by taking a role and fulfilling a mission that was-always belongs to the Police and the Army rather than urban workers – these two key institutions of the bourgeois state and the main supports of the power of the reactionary bourgeoisie.

2. December 2008: by the mighty uprising of the student youth and the side of the reactionary bourgeoisie

The cold-blooded murder, in December 2008, from the Police Karamanliki the young 15 year old student Alexis Grigoropoulos sparked a known militant and the glorious uprising of student youth from end to end the country’s murderous violence against police and police terror – a monumental and unprecedented rebellion panicked and terrorize the whole bourgeoisie (all bourgeois and reformist parties) but also disrupted for nearly one month across Europe (“the risk that the insurrection in Greece to xaplothei and the rest of Europe,” says representatives capital in different countries of the EU, the strong echo of came as Latin America.

Then, maybe some remember the panic Prime Minister Costas Karamanlis and Ministers of the reactionary government had disappeared for nearly a month of politics and life of the bourgeoisie had to retrieve that month the Papariga-Karatzaferis elevating the records to government representatives and ministers of Public Order with statements claiming that the daily events of those days was a “project abroad”, ie that this magnificent uprising of youth motivated and guided by supposedly “external enemies” or else: Papariga ” masked the nucleus has been designed abroad, “Karatzaferis’ patrons Parakentro abroad behind the attacks”, etc. or even Papariga “draft domestic and foreign centers riots» («Real news »21/12/2008, p. 1), etc. etc. – reactionary statements, misleading and defamatory in nature, at the expense of the great uprising of the student youth, published in the bourgeois and fascist type of those days (” Today’s “,” Adesmeftos Type “, etc.) with fasistofyllada” Today’s “praise and public headlines, the” audacity “, meaning the betrayal of the leadership of social democratic” K “KE:” Only the Communist Party dared to clash openly with the nuclei of which praktoriskon perform the dirty destabilization plan “(” Today’s “15/12/2008, p. 1).

After Papariga along with the entire leadership of Khrushchev “K” KE shifted provocative aproschimatista and fiercely against the mighty uprising of the student youth, disparaging the extra in the most vulgar and reactionary way, and passed off with its policy stance on camp of reactionary bourgeoisie – at a time sharpening of class struggle – the guy leading the bourgeois fasistofyllada the “Today’s” invited directly to use in practice members, fans of the urban “K” KE as IMPACT FORCE for smashing the rebellion the Young and “restoration of order of democracy”: “If the police are unable to take their … CITIZENS OR KKE restore order of democracy” (“AVRIANI” 19/12/2008, p. 1).

Despite the appeals section of the urban type led by “Today’s” leaders “K” KE did not dare to “commit suicide” so early (knowing that they have to offer future services, and difficult moments in this chapter as available), downloading the streets of Athens, batter kranoforon armies to suppress the rebellion of youth, members of the IR “K” KE preferred to “roost”, the entire December, the ‘fortress’ of Perissa (no one disagreed) as katatromagmena chicks, looking for warmth, tranquility and comfort beneath the decrepit icy trembling wings panicked sosialimokratissas A. Papariga, perhaps feeling some relief and joy listening to all-night prayers, prayers to “God” and religious melodies of reactionary neo-orthodox theousas ethnikistrias L. Kanellis to “exorcize” at every opportunity the “possessed” and unruly pupils and begged the “Almighty” to the “enlightenment” to finally stop the protests and leave off the “great evil” and “disaster “he found the country. “Heeded,” ultimately, melodic prayers from the “Almighty” that saw be born “divine child” on December 25 (= school holidays and early closure) and thus ended the protracted “tragedy” of the country ie “tragedy” of panic reactionary bourgeoisie that had fitness and military units prepare for surgery at the center of Athens. Already he had failed to lock-outs of the Karamanlis government to close schools-schools that had then promoted from the reformist leaders of the “K” KE through “K” Ne (“Announcement of press office of PA KNE”, 7 / 12/2008) on the affected than those student-student youth to ‘shut down schools and colleges, the universities and colleges, the vocational training institutes and schools of OAED, night schools “(” P “9/12/2008, p. . 15), ie to become practice that required by the reactionary government of Karamanlis attitude forced to leave the familiar “Press Release of the Association of Teachers of Panteion University ‘:” This morning (11.12.08), the Panteion University ended with initiative Panspoudastikis students who relied decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Throughout the post-dictatorship period has not happened close to University decision partisan institution …. “ These are some of the few” exploits “in those days the lackeys of capital reformist leaders of the” K “KE, along of course with that, completely forgotten today, fascist inspiration and content anekdiigito “story” titled “The wrong call a murderer” (“P” 28/12/2008, “7 days together”) reminiscent of the Nazis as-fascist propaganda of Hitler period in Germany.

3. Ochtovris 2011: ensure-imposition of bourgeois legality – upholding the reactionary bourgeois parliament

The stewardship of the U.S. Embassy along with the Police from the early 80’s by the leadership (Florakis) of the Social “K” KE and fiercely hostile attitude toward leadership Papariga grand uprising of the student youth (in December 2008 ) are the two most important before the 48-hour strike of October (2011), a landmark anepanastatikis action of this Civil Party, because in the first case noted, first, converting members of supporters of the “K” KE on army police soldiers guarding the embassy of an imperialist country, while in the second case mentioned, the political attitudes of leadership, open passage into the camp of the bourgeoisie – a passage that rightly led the bourgeois press (the most blatant example fasistofyllada “Today’s”) to called because of the inability of the police, led by “K” KE to download members-supporters to the streets to quell violent with armies batter-kranoforon the rebellion of youth, ie to use them as shock troops of the capital, substituting Police and city army.

If this day of 48-hour strike (19-20 Ochtovri 2011) the effect of PAME had two important characteristic aspects: a) that permanent scabs mechanism of urban governments (ND-PASOK) with scabs separate character disruptive concentrations (systematic and permanent division in favor of capital, strikes urging the reformist leaders of GSEE-ADEDY) and b) that of worship and apotheosis of bourgeois legality, ie the voluntary acceptance of the covered behind the so-called “safeguard the paths’ PAME, for which the leadership posts whenever the congratulations and praise of the respective governments and the leadership of Police, and recently, for the umpteenth time, the bourgeois “NEW” fully justified, they note that “the safeguarding of the paths GO get ‘excellent’ by the Police” and “senior officer ELAS says features “that” together we have peace of mind, we know how to protest and will not open nostril, rarely cause episodes “to mark the bourgeois tabloid : “the police presence more often than is typical” (“NEW”, 22-23/10/2011, p. 27), the last day of the 48-hour strike (20 Ochtovri) appeared, added a third new and very important but also much more dangerous for the workers and trade union movement: that of defending the act of reactionary bourgeois regime and safeguard-enforcement of bourgeois legality, in consultation with the government of PASOK and the direct cooperation of the police.

And now to the question of safeguarding the civil parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, ie the imposition of bourgeois legality of the last day of a 48 hour strike.

First two issues are not disputed by any one, nor from the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: 1) that the “encirclement of the House” and 2) that the “encirclement” of the House “had nothing to do with preventing Members enter the House. “

On the first, the reformist Social Democrat G. Perros, a leading member of PAME, protested Wednesday (19.10.2011) the concentration of Concorde, “everyone in the encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads’ ( “P” 20/10/2011, p. 10) and “now encircle the House from all sides” (“P” 20/10/2011, p. 8), etc. etc..

On the second, a commentary by former partner and like-minded social democrats of Khrushchev (member of the JV period Koligianni), and current Deputy Prime Minister I. Pangalos, who said in a televised broadcast that “Aleka Papariga invites people to encircle Thursday the House to prevent Members to arrive at Parliament for the enactment of polynomoschediou,” the ” Rizospastis’ response, apologoumenos and angry, he wrote the truth: “this is a lie and slander drawn. PAME, organized this mobilization is not intended as p m e d i m in a (Signed ours) for Members to vote “(” P “18/10/2011, p.6), then cites Papariga extract statement the previous day: “to clarify the following: the encirclement and exclusion of the House decided by unions and other organizations, which support and will support, has nothing to do with preventing members from entering the House “(” P “18/10/2011, p.6) – an” intelligent “in koutoponiria proposal-energy (at the suggestion apparently consulting the bourgeoisie), but first and foremost, and this is important, highly e u INVITATION d e t r-action proposal for the government of PASOK, the reactionary bourgeoisie and all parties in a moment of great and deep crisis of the bourgeois political system and the sharpening of class struggle. Therefore, “the encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads’, and d e d a m n emphasis is ensuring attendance of Members of Parliament (under the protection of kranoforon-batter PAME), no was to protect the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME to ‘thousands of toil who marched with flags’ and’ the movement itself “(” P “21/10/2011, p. 10), ( those of PAME is their right, but because truth and “the movement itself?” Who authorized them to do so? whether the “Almighty” Ave Kanellis?), but to guard from all sides and from all streets the bourgeois parliament ie to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime and to ensure, enforce the same civil legitimacy, in cooperation with the leadership of Police – a collaboration that could not be hidden nor A. Papariga when asked if PAME had cooperation with the police, admitted public saying: “in my opinion is correct, I would say that time can not interfere with the police” (“P” 21/10/2011, p. 3) and confirmed the “new” officer of the Headquarters of ELAS: “We asked the demonstrators not to intervene PAME” (“News” 21/10/2011, p.8).

But the “excuse” of “Rizospastis’ and social democratic leaders of the” K “KE-PAME that” encirclement and exclusion of the House “supposedly aimed” to bring the popular mobilization of such pressure, to reject the bill “to achieve “more MPs to vote against the bill” (“P” 18/10/2011, p. 6), is completely punched and completely indefensible. True because there were even greater pressure to be all strikers protesters gathered in one room and in front of Constitution Square and were supposedly “more pressure” scattered in the surrounding streets “circling” the House, probably by reducing the size, volume of the demonstration?

Regarding “K” KE-government cooperation is clearly confirmed, furthermore, from the shameful logydrio Papariga of the House (and even after the unfortunate death of trade union PAME), which is monumental, and xetsipoti proklitikotati support and rotten a deep crisis of civil status.

With great satisfaction accepted the stewardship of parliament from the leaders of the “K” KE-PAME Members of all parties, who generously bestowed praise on GO, including the deputy prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos, who in the cabinet said the “Communist Party contributed to the management and maintenance of order,” as other series and Adonis Georgiadis, member of the Nazi-fascist LAOS, who said: “Today the Communist Party of Greece impressed. Firstly because the regime has behaved perfectly protecting the Parliament by hooded. I applaud this act. All through the House say fortunately there PAME around and is experienced yesterday’s »(« Alter », main news, 20/10/2011), but many journalists in the central news as Hadjinicolaou N. J. Pretenteris, etc. etc.

Finally, in conclusion briefly, the antistalinikoi-antizachariadikoi reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME to the “encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads” passed in the course of their counter-revolutionary action – a period of intensification of class struggle – for the first time in a completely new phase: first, upholding the bourgeois parliament, second, safeguarding it, defended the reactionary bourgeois regime, third, secured-imposed the “Order and Security” ie bourgeois legitimacy with batter- kranoforous of PAME in cooperation with the Police, the fourth in the enforcement effort of bourgeois legality substituted the Police-Urban Army, taking-fulfilling their duties, fifth, replacing Police-Urban Army, evolved, transformed in practice for the first time in IMPACT POWER Capital, dragging in this revolutionary and extreme dangerous urban direction thousand employees shall-believers with the vanguard of batter-kranoforous PAME (had so much discredited in the eyes of striking workers in the Constitution, but nationwide, that neither ” radical “dared leaves 21.22 and 23/10/2011 to publish photographs of” young men “thugs batter-kranoforon of PAME and has published and 3 leaves a host of other photographs).

Source

KKE 1918-55: The reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: Impact force of the capital upheld the reactionary bourgeois parliament

Photo: Members of PAME in the role of Riot police uphold the Parliament using sticks and helmets

Thousands of workers who were striking and protesting, anti-fascists of various political orientations, even members and followers of “K”KE and PAME in Syntagma Square outside the Greek Parliament the second day (October 20) of the 48-hour general strike were surprised when they saw the reformist leaders to assume stewardship of the reactionary bourgeois parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, i.e the imposition of bourgeois legality, with the “excuse” of safeguarding their “own” concentration (ie that the concentration of PAME), apparently replacing the riot police and the civilian Army which is used by the bourgeoisie when the police is inefficient and unable to to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime.

The October issue of Anasintaxi has an article with our position on the matter in Greek which can be found in http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com/2011/11/80-2011.html

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KKE 1918-1955 – PAME: at the service of capital, the divisive and strikebreaking role of its reformist leaders

On the occasion of its 3rd Panhellenic Conference

In the reformist “Announcement-call” of PAME (=”All Workers’ Militant Front”) (“Rizospastis”, 27/5/2007) on the occasion of its third panhellenic conference, it is mentioned that the founding of PAME, in 1999, is “an accomplishment of the working class” and that PAME acts according to the line of “class struggle”.

First of all it has to be clarified from the beginning that PAME is not a trade union and therefore it cannot initiate a struggle like calling a strike. As its name suggests, it is rather a coordination platform set up by various associations and trade unionists. Even so, both of the claims mentioned above are utterly demagogic and bear absolutely no relation to reality, that is, to the nature of PAME which is not revolutionary but a reformist trade-union platform as it is shown below. Consequently, PAME neither constitutes an accomplishment of the working class, nor adheres to the line of the “revolutionary class struggle” for the “fulfillment of the tasks corresponding to the needs of the working class” as most falsely its leaders purport for the sake of disorientating and deceiving the workers.

It must be emphasized that the truly revolutionary trade unions were schools of class struggle and schools of socialism-communism, in other words, they were always linking: a) the struggle for the economic and social demands with the political demands, giving priority to the latter and b) the anti-imperialist with the revolutionary struggle for the abolition of the exploiting capitalist system and the establishment of socialism-communism.

The revolutionary trade unions, as organs of struggle against the capital have permanently and constantly inscribed on their flag the revolutionary slogan of Marx: “abolition of the wages system”. As Marx emphasized: “the trade unions are the schools of socialism. In trade unions, the workers are shaped into socialists, because the struggle against the capital is carried out, on daily basis, before their very eyes” and Lenin also said that: “the working class limiting itself to the economic struggle, loses its political independence, allows itself to be dragged by other political parties, betrays the great emblem: the emancipation of the working class must be carried out by the workers themselves”

In complete contradiction to the above, PAME was founded from the very beginning, in 1999, as a reformist trade union platform guided ideologically by Khrushchevian revisionism that is opposite and hostile to the proletarian revolution and the whole Marxist concept of socialism. It continues along the reformist course of the World Trade Union Organization (WTO) which despite the fact that followed a revolutionary line, from its creation (October 1945) until the mid-50s, after the final dominance of Khrushchevian revisionism (1956) it degenerated into a reformist trade union organization abandoning the revolutionary and anti-imperialist line for good.

It is precisely the line of WTO, promulgated during the period of Khrushchev – Brezhnev – Gorbachev, which the PAME (“K”KE) reformist leaders follow today as well as its fraternal trade union organization A.P. (SYN). The reformists of PASKE (PASOK) are the same whereas the DAKE (ND) fascists were always representatives of the employers’ trade unionism. All these factions, participate in the Executive Committee of the reformist General Confederation of Greek Workers (GSEE) and the Higher Union of Civil Servants (ADEDY).

The PAME leaders are reformist not only because they have abandoned the line of revolutionary struggle and follow the line of class co-operation and limiting the struggle to economic demands but because they have also resigned from the immediate economic demands such as the salary payment for the 1st of May and the return of all the money stolen from the Insurance Institutions. Moreover they play a divisive and strikebreaking role through the separate rallies they organize. Concerning the imperialist war against Iraq, they showed, like the “K”KE leadership, a pro-American and pro-imperialist attitude because, during the war demonstrations: a) they adopted the slogan “Greece out of the war”(!) instead of the right anti-imperialist one: “Anglo-American imperialist occupation forces out of Iraq” not blaming thus the Anglo-American imperialists and b) they supported and continue to support the Quislings of the fraternal Iraqi “C”P that welcomed the invasion and participated in the first puppet government installed by the Anglo-American forces.

A. The divisive role of the PAME reformists

During the last years, the PAME leaders organize, on permanent basis, separate rallies on the of 1st May causing thus a split in the trade union movement not only on the higher but also on intermediate level across the country. Their excuse for doing this is that these divisive rallies offer allegedly by themselves the possibility to break away from the reformists and they are, therefore, of revolutionary character. It is, of course, obvious that the separate rallies neither distance the workers from reformist nor do they have by themselves an anti-imperialist and revolutionary character. On the contrary, the features that make the revolutionaries and the reformists essentially distinct and give the revolutionary content of a trade unionist rally are two: first, the general anti-imperialist and revolutionary line in combination with the violent overthrow of capitalism second, the revolutionary line of class struggle that defends the class interests of the workers and the wide masses maintaining an unbreakable unity between economic and political demands and always subdued to the general revolutionary direction.

If the separate rallies were by themselves revolutionary, devoid of the corresponding content, then, following this “criterion” of the PAME reformists, one would make the preposterous conclusion that this year’s separate rally for the 1st of May organized by the DAKE fascists was also a “revolutionary” one! Of course it was a counter-revolutionary and pro-capitalist rally apart from divisive.

A quick reference to the two separate PAME rallies on the occasion of the 1st of May (in 2005 and 2007) will show much better not only the divisive role of the PAME leaders but the abandonment of the defense of, even, basic reformist demands. Both rallies were reformist, in their content, because of the general Khrushchevian line and also because they didn’t satisfy the second condition, that is the defense of the current interests of the working class.

In the rally of the 1st of May 2005, the PAME reformists came up with the false dilemma: “1st of May, strike or bank holiday?” The harm of such a slogan to the interests of the working class can be properly understood if one considers the fact that in Greece the working class has accomplished, through a long struggle, so that the 1st of May is also a paid bank holiday besides a day of strike. This hasn’t diminished the size of the 1st of May rallies at all. However the reactionary Karamanlis government decided to abolish the bank holiday, that year and, thus, the leaders of PAME, using the above slogan were, in essence, completely identified with this decision. The result was that hundreds of millions of Euros went to the capitalists and the bourgeois state instead of the working people. On the contrary, in the rally organized by the GSEE-ADEDY reformists, the central slogan was “pay the working people” a fact that permitted the president of GSEE to criticize, from the left, the PAME leaders and accuse them of being at the service of capitalist interests. In the same separate rally for the 1st of May, the PAME reformists leaders didn’t defend even this particular economic interest-accomplishment of the working class but the interests of the bourgeois class, since, through their treacherous attitude, they made easier for the capitalists to pocket the millions of Euros that should have been paid to the working people.

In fact, the PAME reformist leaders, due to their treacherous attitude supporting the abolition of the 1st May bank holiday, placed themselves to the right not only of the reformists of GSEE-ADEDY-A.P. but also of the DAKE fascists; the latter, fearing the political cost, didn’t dare to express in public their approval of the government’s decision to abolish the 1st of May bank holiday: “DAKE issued an announcement whereby calls the government to move the bank holiday from the 1st to 11th of May, as had been done in the past”. So, the only trade union organization that supported this reactionary decision of the government was PAME. This was the reason why the PAME leaders were warmly congratulated by the fascist ND cadre A. Andreoulakos.

This rally of PAME wasn’t only a divisive rally but also a rally in favor of the abolition of 1st May bank holiday, in other words, it was a pro-government rally supporting the reactionary decision of the Karamanlis government.

In 2007’s rally for the 1st of May, the reformists leaders of GSEE-ADEDY had rightly adopted as central slogan the following: “return all the stolen money back to the Insurance Institutions” (as a response to the government-backed embezzlement of Insurance funds) whereas in their separate, divisive, rally the PAME leaders not only didn’t adopt the above slogan as the central one but not at all. Instead, they put forward the pro-governmental request voiced by the DAKE fascists asking for the return of all the money stolen from the Insurance Institutions since 1950 (!), that is to say, never. In this way, the leaders of PAME were aligned-identified with: a) the DAKE fascists and b) the reactionary Karamanlis government both of whom were against the return of the stolen money back to the Insurance Institutions.

In this case too, the reformists of GSEE-ADEDY were at the left of the reformist leaders of PAME.

The two above mentioned separate rallies organized by PAME on the occasion of the 1st of May clearly show that not only they were not revolutionary rallies but they didn’t seek to defend not even the concrete and rightful economic demands of the working people: a) to receive the payment for the bank holiday of the first of May (2005) b) to have all the stolen money from the Insurance Institutions returned (2007). These rallies of PAME were, therefore, reformist, divisive and pro-governmental.

On the 1st of May 2006, the reformist leaders of PAME committed an almost unprecedented treason since they didn’t appeal for a struggle against industrial capitalists and capital in general but only against the reformist leaders adopting the slogan: “Turn your back to the compromised trade unionists”.

Not surprisingly, PAME faces serious problems due to its divisive tactics. One of the its founding cadres, and a long-term member in its Executive Secretariat, T. Fotopoulos, mentioned the following in his resignation letter: “In OTE (Greek Telecom) the ESK (the “C”PG representatives) allied with ASSE (the K.A. representatives – a small group participating in PAME as well) and both went to the elections under a common slate called A.M. But the next day, having secured the election of its own members, ESK remained a separate faction and not a part of A.M although these people were elected as nominees of the latter!

PAME doesn’t take part in the anti-globalization actions except in WTO which they strive to resurrect by establishing a European Buro where they are the…sole members. The persistence of “K”KE and PAME to hold separate rallies has caused frictions with the few small groups with which formed or is forming an alliance like DIKKI or K.A

B. The strikebreaking role of the PAME leaders

The whole activity and the role of PAME is not only divisive – in the framework, of course, of reformism that dominates the trade union movement today – and in favor of capital; it has become, in addition, during the last years, something much worse in relation to working people strikes: PAME has become, with its separate rallies, the number 1 strikebreaking force in the reformist trade union movement. This because, on permanent and systematic basis – and not by mistake – it causes a split in the strike mobilization of the working people undermining its massiveness from the beginning.

Let’s take for example the latest strikes of sailors, schoolteachers, university teachers and university students.

In the case of the sailors’ strike, the trade union leaders of PAME, apart from breaking the strike, they also organized separate rallies that weren’t simply divisive but were, first and foremost, strikebreaking clearly aiming at the split of the sailors unity and the weakening of their struggle. They were strikebreaking rallies in complete coordination with the governmental strikebreaking mechanisms, in the framework of “K”KE-ND cooperation. Their attitude was so shamelessly pro-governmental that, while the barbarous police was attacking the rally held in solidarity to the tailors, the PAME reformist Manusogiannakis appeared on television not to condemn the fascist police assault but to distance the position of PAME from the event stating that the people beaten up by MAT (the infamous special police forces) didn’t belong to PAME!!!

In the case of the schoolteachers’ great and continuous strike that shook up the whole country, the PAME trade unionists in the Primary School Teachers Federation (DOE) not only rejected the strike and tried to prevent it but, when this started and for the duration, they were systematically undermining it through separate rallies of strikebreaking character. We pointed out at the time:

Only the reformist trade union factions (PASKE-A.P-P.) voted for the five-days strikes of the school teachers that shook up the whole country, as it is mentioned in “Rizospastis” in relation to the strikebreaking attitude of ESAK-DEE (the PAME representatives in the DOE): “the votes of PASKE, A.P and P. added up and the program of action was decided” (“R”, 7/7/2006, p. 18).

The reformist leaders of ESAK-DEE, having initially rejected and sabotaged the decision for the repeated 5-days strikes, went on to slander them claiming that they allegedly serve very well the pre-election needs of PASOK, few days before the October municipal elections (“R”, 7/7/2006, p.18). When the great strike began, they directly undermined the unity of the striking struggle by organizing separate rallies, merging, thus, with the DAKE reactionaries into a unified strikebreaking mechanism in the service of the government. It is more than obvious, and the PAME leaders cannot fail to realize, that without unity it’s impossible to achieve the massiveness of the struggle, a necessary condition for its successful completion” (“Anasintaxi”, No. 236, 15-30 October 2006, p.3).

Finally, the leaders of PAME came up against of the university teachers and students struggle; they openly opposed to the schools’ occupations by the students and the continuous strike of the university teachers. When the struggle began, they tried desperately to thwart it and then, after their failure to achieve this, they undermined it by organizing separate strikebreaking rallies. As a matter of fact the leaders of PAME went so far to place their rally stand next to the one of POSDEP-OLME-DOE in one of the great rallies held by the latter in Syntagma square. We wrote then about that rally:

“The only “note of discord”, the only negative and harmful event in that rally was the separate, strikebreaking rally in Omonia square organized by the reformist leaders of PAME. But this time they weren’t limited to the separate demonstration but they made a further step: they provocatively set up, obviously under instructions by the Karamanlis government, a second platform in Syntagma next to the one of POSDEP-OLME-DOE, not confronting the government but the Teachers Federation leading the struggle.

That the strikebreaking activity of the PAME leaders is carried out under the instructions of the Karamanlis government and in the framework of “K”KE-ND cooperation, was shown once more by the fact that also in this rally the blocs of PAME were small (numbering about 1000 people) (“PRIN”, 14/1/2007, p.13). The blocs were consciously and purposefully kept small in size in order to fulfill the goals agreed on with the government: a) the PAME leaders act in a strikebreaking way at the service of the government’s strikebreaking tactics b) avoid to put pressure on the government (a greater number of participants in the blocs would increase the pressure on the government upsetting the “K”KE-ND agreement)

Just imagine what would have been the picture if the other reformist trade union organizations had also set up their own platforms or what would have happened if the Teachers Federations POSDEP-OLME-DOE, as the leadership of the struggle, had rightly demanded the removal of the PAME reformists” (“Anasintaxi”, No 242, 15-31 January 2007, p.1).

From the above, it is evident that PAME is a reformist trade union organization which not simply follows the line of class cooperation but, at the same time, it plays a divisive and strikebreaking role, in the framework of the trade union movement, and in certain cases, like the ones mentioned above, its position is on the right wing of GSEE-ADEDY. This strikebreaking role is fully integrated-aligned with the strikebreaking mechanisms of the Karamanlis reactionary government.

C. Only the path of unity in struggle can stop the capital’s attacks

In their “Announcement-call”, the PAME leaders mention that their trade union platform “unites the working people into a unified class fighting capital and its agents”. This claim is utterly false and it only aims at the disorientation and the deception of the working class since the UNITY of the working class presupposes an anti-imperialist and revolutionary line in the trade unions, which doesn’t exist in the case of PAME because its activity is guided by the reformist social democratic Khrushchevian views, that is, the reformist line that dominated WTO from the mid-50s onwards. PAME, as a reformist trade union platform, is dividing the working class, just like in the older times, the social democratic reformist trade unions did and today GSEE, ADEDY.

PAME is not dividing only the working class but also the reformist camp with its separate rallies. Moreover, with the separate rallies of strikebreaking character during any striking mobilization, they, from the very beginning, cause a rift in the unity of the working class, the MASSIVENESS of the mobilization making it unavoidably INNEFECTIVE.

The class conscious and revolutionary workers cannot but raise the following fundamental question: “Is the working class able to repel the capital’s attacks given the absence of revolutionary trade unions and, if yes, how?”

The answer to this, fundamental and vital for the working class struggle, question has been already provided by life itself in the past but also at the present and it constitutes the answer of the revolutionary Marxism. The working class is indeed able – despite the absence of revolutionary trade unions – to repel the capital’s attacks. This can be achieved only along the path of UNITY that secures the maximum MASSIVENESS, two absolutely necessary conditions that can guarantee the EFFECTIVENESS of the mobilization and yield victory for the working people. The case in which the Insurance Bill was withdrawn in 2001 (by the Simitis government) after the massive panhelenic strike (at that time PAME wisely didn’t dare to organize a separate rally) and that of great, massive mobilization of students and working people against the Contract of First Employment (CFE) introduced by the right-wing government of Dominique de Villepin in France show the only right PATH. The same is shown by the great, massive mobilization of students and university students in Greece that prevented the reactionary revision of the Constitution’s article 16.

Moreover, the massive popular mobilization in Latin America countries – despite the absence of revolutionary trade unions and revolutionary communist parties – not only repelled the attacks coming from the indigenous capital, the IMF, the International Bank but also repeatedly ousted whole governments in a number of subcontinent countries.

Finally, it is a common knowledge that the sporadic acts of mobilization organized by PAME didn’t repel any attack from the capital, didn’t have and couldn’t have had absolutely no result; they were simply acts that served the petty-party and propaganda purposes of the PAME-“K”KE reformist leaders and aimed at the deception of the working people.

D. Further developments

After the massive rally organized by GSEE-ADEDY on the12th of December 2007 in Athens and in other Greek cities, the social democrat G. Marinos (new member of the “K”KE Politburo), hiding the fact that the panhelenic strike was called by the reformist leaders of GSEE-ADEDY, seems to worry very much about the size (5 times larger than the one of PAME) and the large participation of working people, including “a great number of employees in Olympic airways, lawyers, engineers, journalists and doctors” in the massive rally in Athens. Then, ridiculing himself he invites the working people to “think twice” about the fact they joined their trade unions rallies and urges them not to participate in theses but to the divisive, strikebreaking, progovernmental ones of the reformist PAME. At the same time, he advertises it as an allegedly “class force” which follows “the line of class struggle” that secures “the unity of the working class”!!!

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KKE 1918-55: Svetlana Stalin, the last living child of Joseph Stalin, died

Joseph Stalin had three children: Yakov, Vasily and Svetlana.

Yakov was arrested by the Hitlerite in early July 1941 and executed on April 14, 1943 following the refusal of Joseph Stalin to the exchange with a German general.

As stated by cde Yannis Karastathis in his book “Against antistalinist – anticommunist hysteria” (Athens 1993) Stalin’s answer was explicit, concise and unusual for Germans and not only: “I won’t exchange a soldier for a Marshal. All the people (of the Soviet Union) are my children.”

Vasily was arrested by the Khrushchevits on April 28, 1953, was imprisoned for 8 years and exiled in Kazan where he eventually died on March 19, 1962.

As the historian V. Kadet (“Anasintaxi” issue 330, 15-30/9/2010) when Vasily Stalin was interrogated by the Khrushchevits, Vorosilof brought as an example Svetlana who was “living well and behave well” and asked Vasily:

“You will never meet her?”.

And he replied: “I do not know, we don’t meet each other see.”

“Why? She loves you.”

“A daughter who recanted her father can not be my sister. I never renounced my own father and will not do. I’m not willing to have any relation with her.”

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KKE 1918-1955: On the Occasion of the 60th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Greek Democratic Army

Article published in Revolutionary Democracy Vol. XIII, No. 2, September 2007.

In the end of spring of 1945, coming back to Greece from the German concentration camp in which he was imprisoned, Nikos Zachariades, the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Greece, came across and faced a specific reality.

a) A large political, progressive popular movement, predominating in every part of the Greek territory, inspired by the political and ideological principles and the epic of the fighting resistance of the Communist Party of Greece and the National Liberation Front. At the same time, he faced a movement ‘tired’ and ‘disappointed’ by the contradictory and compromising policies of its leadership, blocked by the political accords with local reaction – the instruments of English imperialism – political accords of defeat and laying down the victorious arms of the Popular Army and the popular democratic movement in general (Lebanon, Plaka, Gazerta, Varkiza etc.). Moreover, the leader of the CPG faced the negative situation created by the military defeat of the Left in the battle against the English in Athens in December 1944. This was a battle fought under unacceptable political and military conditions, with strange and spur-of-the-moment methods – as proven by the evidence – and fought also under the leadership of Georges Siantos, the party’s Secretary General at the time of the German occupation, who was later accused by the party of being an agent of the Intelligence Service.

b) A CPG highly regarded by the Greek people, which however during the occupation had been transformed by its leadership from a politically innovative party (around 450,000 members) into an enormous, loose political body lacking a role, objectives, spirit and orientation; not a leading party but a party that allowed in any supporter. The party also included leading members who became known and were recognised by the people through the fight of the NLF, and at the same time leading members who were unable to complete their revolutionary mission, dominated and bound by the spirit of political compromise that they themselves had cultivated within the movement through their choices; dominated also by petit bourgeois self-satisfaction and pride deriving from the greatness of the movement, of which they were leading. After all, these cadres distorted the line of N. Zachariades as it was expressed in his historic letter of October 1940 when Greece was attacked by Italian fascism, a guiding letter of the leader of the CPG and at the same time the last public statement only shortly before he was handed over by the Italians and their Greek collaborators to the Germans and was imprisoned in Dachau concentration camp until the liberation of Germany by the Red Army. In the last paragraph of this historic letter, N. Zachariades related in a categorical way the anti-fascist fight to the fight for social liberation, stressing:

‘The prize for the working people and for the current fight must be and will be a new Greece, a Greece of labour, of liberty, purged of any dependence on imperialism, with a truly popular culture’.

The leadership of the CPG during the occupation, with its political choices, disconnected the anti-fascist war from the general political perspective of the working people who should be fighting for national independence and social liberation.

c) Because of this political and leadership team of the CPG, strong conditions began to emerge which were favourable for the rapid reconstruction of the reactionary right-wing pro-English state. Bands of fascists committed murders in the villages and towns, thousands of fighters were arrested, terrorism dominated all over the country, the Treaty of Varkiza led to the disarmament and destruction of the glorious People’s Army of the National Liberation Front and the fighters of the countryside went up to the mountains once again to escape from the killing spree of the fascist bands.

This in brief was the situation that Nikos Zachariades, the leader of the CPG, had to deal with from the summer of 1945 onward, and on the basis of these very conditions he was called to take political and organisational initiatives, while the cycle of World War 2 had not yet been completed and the game of diplomacy concerning the global post-war situation was in a critical phase.

In the debates that have taken place – and still are going on – in Greece, in the scientific papers of historians and researchers, in the personal testimonies of leading Left members of that period, as well as on the other side too, in the long-term political and ideological controversy within the context of the Greek Left, many and often contrasting or consciously distorted evidence about the conditions under which the Civil War began and about the CPG’s leadership’s actions when Nikos Zachariades was at the head, have always been discussed. The slanderous and distorting efforts were developed and are still maintained with the same intensity, reinforced by the participation and behaviour of a large circle, of a front of ‘dark’ forces consisting of people united around the above objective. For half a century now, with the same mania, the ‘dark’ front keeps on with the same false arguments and consciously distorting tactics. In this front the most varied sectors of Greek society participated. Monarchist-fascists (of old and new types), revisionists of all kinds, social-democrats and Trotskyists play, directly and indirectly, the main role in slandering Nikos Zachariades’ personality and leading figure, with an obvious political-ideological goal: to deprive the Greek left and democratic movement of its own revolutionary and fighting traditions, as well as of its scientific and theoretical leading role that Nikos Zachariades played within the Greek movement and the CPG. The destructive force of the ‘dark’ propaganda was strongly reinforced after the absolute predominance of the forces of N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev in the international movement and particularly, after Nikos Zachariades’ assassination in Siberia in August 1973 after he had completed 17 years of exile there. This act had been pre-programmed by the KGB in collaboration with the leading team of the CPG (H. Florakis, K. Loules, K. Tsolakis etc.) to which the Soviet revisionists had assigned the leadership of the Greek party. The reason for the assassination of the head of the Greek Left was obviously to prevent his return to Greece after the forthcoming fall of the dictatorship, a fact that would disclose to the Greek people the political treason and would change – in favour of revolutionary opinion – the interrelations within the Greek movement. At the same time, however, Zachariades’ return to Greece as a political refugee would constitute a world-wide base for denouncing the revisionist Soviet party as well as the international state of affairs. At this point, we should refer to and emphasise the fact that under these bad conditions, the absolute predominance of the alliance of the ‘dark’ front, for decades and still until today, in the Greek left and popular movement there have been and still are forces resisting the reactionary anti-revolutionary front. The historic initiative of the anti-revisionist fight had been the tens of thousands of partisans, all refugees in the Eastern countries, the vast majority of whom (from 85% to 95%) stood by Nikos Zachariades’ side until the end, fighting against the violent anti-revolutionary intervention in the Greek Communist Party, facing unbelievable persecution, suffering, even imprisonment and exile.

The arguments against Nikos Zachariades that relate to his actions at the beginning of the Civil War, to the policy and strategy followed by the party during the second partisan fight, present not only an absolute lack of essential documentation, but also a range of varied and contradictory elements. Paradoxically the arguments are more or less the same in the reactionary and progressive circles. The overlapping opinions, which have different points of departure, reveal their real objectives; they aim to withhold the truth and to degrade Nikos Zachariades’ fighting stance and leadership abilities. In this document, we will not deal with the propaganda of the reactionary circles but rather with the reactionary and anti-historic arguments of those who talk in a ‘left’-wing manner and in the name of the Left:

1) The argument that Nikos Zachariades delayed the preparation and beginning of the armed rebellion.

This is a conscious distortion of the truth. The leader of the CPG, returning to Greece from Dachau, was faced with both a specific international and a domestic reality. He was informed, as soon as possible, of the international and domestic situation and he undertook very specific initiatives which were oriented towards:

a) The reconstruction of the CPG through the re-organisation of the party forces, the reinforcement of the political-educational work and its rapid transformation from a loose to a fighting, revolutionary workers’ party. He moved in this direction through the meetings of both the Plenary Sessions of the Central Committee and the 7th Conference, in which the issue of the international policy in these conditions and the complete scientifically documented programme for People’s Democracy were discussed. Furthermore, the strategy of connecting the party to the large workers’ and agricultural unions through many massive democratic processes put them quickly under the control of the party’s forces. He implemented the policy of reinforcing collaboration with the Agricultural Party and other co-operating parties of the democratic alliance. He implemented constant contact with the cadres of middle and lower rank and boosted their fighting conviction, which had fallen due to the compromising policies of the party’s leadership during the German occupation. During this period, Nikos Zachariades accrued information about the forces and possibilities of the movement, but also about the probable influence that enemy forces exerted within the CPG and the democratic front. It was also evident, that any decision in that period could not be made without taking into account the particular conditions in the greater Balkans area, since there were three new people’s democracies (Albania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria) which bordered Greece and were facing specific problems: their existence was intertwined with the unstable post-war transitional regime and was reflected both in Greece and in the Greek left movement. In addition, the CPG’s leadership, under those circumstances, could not ignore either the opinions of the regional left-wing parties or the opinions of Communist Party of Soviet Union, since the preparation of the armed rebellion – in order not to be considered an adventurous act – demanded in that very phase, many necessary political, technical and military preconditions.

b) The revolutionary, popular rebellion and conflict with British imperialism that was dominant in Greece during that period. The leadership of the CPG and Nikos Zachariades moved in this direction with a clear plan. Within a few months after his return to Greece, the line of mass popular self-defence against the reactionary groups was put into action and the formal battle cry of the Left, ‘English out of Greece’, which raised the fighting spirit of the Greek people, was heard for the first time. In this way, the perspective of struggle was cultivated in the people’s mind, since the Greek people knew by their experience during all those months, that the English and the Greek reaction had decided to exterminate the Greek popular left movement, preventing any perspective of reconciliation and resolution of the political problem through fair elections. At the same time, N. Zachariades and the leadership of the CPG and the international relationships ensured the political and military conditions for the popular rebellion that was coming. The political and organisational reconstruction of the movement that N. Zachariades undertook, took 8 months, beginning with his return to the country and the CPG’s leadership and ending with the milestone decision of the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPG on November 12, 1946, the anniversary of the Treaty of Varkiza. This decision made clear that the armed fight was unavoidable and led to the first military plans.

We can rebut the false arguments that Nikos Zachariades did not have a clear line for the armed fight and that he delayed going into the mountains – arguments absolutely irrelevant to the particular conditions of this specific period – with much evidence. We will refer however only to two characteristics:

1) Nikos Zachariades’ refusal to leave Athens and the leadership of the party’s apparatus before the departure abroad of G. Siantos (Secretary General of the party during the period of the German occupation who was responsible for the compromising political defeat of the Left), something that Siantos avoided doing despite the orders he was given. The opening of the CPG’s files from that period, which has been almost completed today and published in historic papers, although they are available to any researcher, highlights that situation and reveals to any honest fighter, researcher and historian the real facts. It was clear that Nikos Zachariades thought that within the political team of the movement there was a problem of vigilance and unity, a problem that he could not ignore. A series of telegrams from N. Zachariades to other cadres of the party who were on missions abroad proves this fact.

2) The testimony of Kostas Koligiannis (a leading cadre of the CPG), which he gave at the 3rd Conference of the CPG in October 1950, is testimony among tens of others with the same content. Kostas Koligiannis’ testimony is very interesting because he became the Soviet revisionists’ favourite; they named him Secretary General in N. Zachariades’ place, after the anti-democratic overthrow of the legal leader of the CPG. Kostas Koligiannis said:

‘In order for Markos Vaphiades to free himself from responsibilities, he claimed that the party did not start the fight in order to win with strength and determination, that the fight was waged under illusions and inconstancies and for this reason we did not win. Apart from the fact that everybody knew how the party’s decision was initially made, I want to say something that refutes M. Vaphiades’ claim. In July 1946, N. Zachariades himself told me, when I was departing to Epirus, that we should create a massive armed movement. He also said specifically that we should start from the region of Konitsa and Zagori with North Epirus and Tzoumerka as bases of operation and Western Macedonia and Thessaly behind us and to proceed further maintaining these two bases of operation. If we formed small groups in order to use them as a means of restraint in the handling of the situation, as M. Vaphiades says, then what would the mass partisan group – that the party asked us to form since June 1946 – serve for? I went there with the decision-making responsibility of the political office, because I went as the secretary of the party’s organisation. And why would the party give this order to us and another order to other organisations? I think that what M. Vaphiades says constitutes an attempt to free himself from some extremely serious responsibilities, the principal ones, because we lost the chance to resolve, in the end of 1946 and in 1947, the problem of reserves that decisively and determinatively affected the evolution of the armed fight.’ (1)

The above testimony concerning the responsibilities and inefficiencies of the General of the Democratic Army of Greece, Markos Vaphiades, a man who has been in the circle of protagonists in the slander against N. Zachariades and who later co-operated with K. Koligiannis, solves the puzzle and leads to objective conclusions.

2) The abstention from the general elections in March 1946.

The second mistake, a ‘determinative’ one as the cadres of the anti-Zachariades chorus characterised it, was the abstention of the CPG and the other parties of the democratic alliance from the general elections that the English and their vassal reactionary government of Athens organised on March 20, 1946. The ‘chorus’ claims that the Left should have taken part in the elections, although they knew that these elections had been held under the awful conditions of unbelievable terrorism, of thousands of arrests of left citizens, of hundreds of murders just within that month, and with no guarantees for a normal, legal and transparent holding of the elections. The supporters of this ‘view, even in this case, artificially separated the elections not only from these specific conditions but also from the movement’s perspective. They criticised the question of elections from a static view. They pretended that they do not know or they hid the fact that:

(a) all the non-CPG parties and organizations of the democratic alliance were intensively and insistently in favour of abstention;

(b) one month before, in February 1946, the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPG had realised that the march toward an armed fight was unavoidable, since Greek reaction and the English had decided to proceed towards it.

Participation in the rigged elections would have legalised the reactionary front and would have reinforced the electoral illusions of the Greek people, whereas the election result under no circumstances would have expressed honestly and clearly the people’s political conviction and the real political influence of the Left.

Participation in the election would have led the people, the popular movement and the CPG, into a vicious circle of contradictions and inequality, similar to that of 1944-1945 which was the cause of the political ‘capture’ and defeat of the movement. Nikos Zachariades in his last authorised text titled ‘Problems of the CPG’s crisis – contribution to the political discussion’, written in 1962 in exile in Siberia, referred to a great extent to the question of abstention and among other things he stressed:

‘In the decision taken during the 8th Conference [after Nikos Zachariades’ overthrow], it was said that abstention is a terrible mistake with serious consequences for the party and the democratic movement. The decision does not explain the content of this ‘terrible mistake’, but the meaning is clear. If we participated in the elections we would secure a peaceful evolution for Greece! Where to? It was similar to the essentially opportunist plan of Partsalides [revisionist leader] that was part of the policy of appeasing reaction and submitting to it. So Partsalides was trying, after what happened, to justify also the treason of Varkiza [the treaty of disarmament of the People’s Army that he signed]. In 1946, elections could under no circumstances play an important role other than to reinforce reaction. Only an opportunist to the bone could declare that if we had participated in the elections the whole evolution of Greece would have been different. This was not the truth. The English, with the support of the Committee of the United Nations which supervised the elections [the Soviet Union refused to participate in this committee, perhaps because she knew what was in the air], wanted to mislead us as to the rigged elections which they were preparing, in order to legalise through the parliament, with the people’s vote, the intervention of December 1944 and the issue of Varkiza and thus to impose the monarchist-fascist regime. This is the truth. The following is noteworthy too: The Committee of the UN allocated us 9.3% abstention votes. If we had participated in the elections it would have given us generously three times more. Thus, it would have secured the people’s stamp of approval in favour of monarchist-fascism and the occupation forces. Partsalides was pushing the movement in this direction, towards the ratification of the Treaty of Varkiza. Our weakness [Zachariades goes on] during that period was a different and decisive one. The masses hesitated because we laid down our arms; no other European movement did something so shameful. We betrayed them in December in Athens and in Varkiza; we betrayed Greece and the National Resistance. For this reason, today the Xians [fascist band named X] beat us up on the streets and keep us hidden in our holes. The whole attempt to recreate the party from the 12th Plenary Session [on 25th-27th of June 1945] (2) was leading exactly to this: to arouse the movement and the CPG again in order for them to fall in line with the historical demands of that critical period and the party did it until the 2nd Plenary Session in February [1946]. (3) Let us not forget that the party’s leadership at that time, even after December, still did not have any policy for the English which was worthy of the people and the CPG and as a result, regarding the English, the policy of submission of Plaka, Gazerta, Varkiza was continued. The battle cry ‘English Out Of Greece’ was heard only when the party was reconstructed in order to extricate itself from the shame that the Treaty of Varkiza attributed to us’.

N. Zachariades expressed, clearly and revealing the truth, his opinion on the issue of abstention from the elections of 1946. This position helps anyone who wants to draw more general conclusions on the situation, on the role and orientation of each individual. We think that through these two cases to which we referred – the most important ones of that period and the most important ones regarding the political controversy within the movement – clear and useful conclusions can be drawn; conclusions concerning the lines within the CPG, the revolutionary and the opportunist line. This conflict between lines has determined the facts for the next two decades and until now, in the contemporary epoch, and is related to the need and duty of reconstructing the movement on the basis of the principles of scientific socialism of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin.

Endnotes:

1. 3rd conference of the CPG from October 10-14, 1950, Introductions, Speeches, Decisions.

2. The Plenary Sessions were meetings of the Central Committee of the CPG between the Congresses. The numbering of the Plenary Sessions restarts in the event of a congress. The 12th Plenary Session of June 1945 took place between the 6th and the 7th Congress of the CPG. The 7th Congress took place in the autumn of 1945.

3. The 2nd Plenary Session took place exactly a year after the treacherous Treaty of Varkiza.

The Political Committee of the Movement of the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-1955

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