Category Archives: Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)

Statement of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) on the death of Fidel Castro

The Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) deeply regrets the death of Fidel Castro and expresses its solidarity with the government and the Cuban people in these difficult and painful moments.

Fidel Castro will always be remembered as a leader who dedicated his life to the revolution that transformed the economic and social structures of Cuba, in constant struggle against the aggression of US imperialism. The revolution that triumphed in 1959 aroused the enthusiasm of the masses in Latin America and worldwide. The Sierra Maestra fighters made the dream of liberation craved by Cubans and Latin American workers a reality.

Since that memorable date when the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista was defeated, Cuba began a titanic struggle for national independence, economic sovereignty and liberation from the yoke exerted on the country by the United States.

Literacy campaigns, nationalization of enterprises and plantations owned by US capital and the extraordinary development of education and public health brought Cuba from underdevelopment and turned the island into an example for the peoples of Latin America and the other continents.

Beyond the political and ideological discrepancies, our party has always shown its solidarity with the Cuban people, denouncing the US economic blockade, the terrorist attacks of emigrants and hostile actions advocated by the Popular Party.

Fidel Castro will always be remembered as the man, the leader and revolutionary who, with sacrifice and effort of all the Cuban people for his country, regained dignity and national sovereignty. His death is a great loss for the Cuban revolution, but the workers, peasants and intellectuals, all the people of Cuba will continue forward, continuing and improving its legacy.

The red flags of the Communists around the world are inclined with respect to honor his memory. The Cuban land will house a man who completed the work begun by Martí.

Madrid, November 26, 2016.

Executive Committee PCE (ml)

Courtesy: Alfonso Casal

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ICMLPO (Unity & Struggle): The regional meeting of the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations of Europe was held in Paris

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In June, our party had the joy and the honor of hosting the regional meeting of the Parties and Organizations of Europe, members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations.

Intense exchanges and discussion allowed us to draw up and adopt a political resolution on the situation in Europe and on the tasks and mobilizations that our parties intend to develop.

An important part of the discussion focused on the attacks of the liberal and social-liberal governments against the working class and the popular masses and on the development of the resistance. Particular attention was paid to developing solidarity with the working class and the people of Greece in order to break the blackmail of the troika (IMF, EU and ECB) and of the governments of the EU states, which are united against the Greek people.

We also addressed the issue of the criminal policy being carried out by the States and the EU against refugees and immigrants.

We analyzed the tensions, the armed conflicts, the militarization of the economies of several EU States, particularly the imperialist powers, linked to the greater involvement of NATO.

On these different issues, plans were discussed in order to develop joint work among our parties and organizations, with the objective of taking part in existing mobilizations with our analysis and proposals, or of creating them with the aim of winning other forces.

Here are the various texts adopted by the Regional Conference.

Communique

In June 2015, the regional meeting of the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), was successfully held in France in a fraternal atmosphere of internationalist solidarity.

At the beginning of the meeting, the participants paid tribute to the memory of recently deceased comrades, Frede Klitgard, of the Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark (APK) and Juan Marte, of the Communist Party of Labor (PCT) of the Dominican Republic. The meeting was dedicated to these two resolute Marxist-Leninists, and pledged to follow their example.

The parties and organizations congratulated the Party of Labor (EMEP) of Turkey for their success in the electoral battle through the alliance with the party HDP [People’s Democratic Party].

The participants exchanged views on the situation and experiences of work developed in their countries. They discussed the capitalist crisis in Europe, the rise of the rejection of neoliberal policies and austerity policies of the EU, the threats of imperialist war and their consequences.

After a long debate, an important political declaration was adopted unanimously, in which we express our solidarity with the struggle of the Greek workers and people against the blackmail of the EU, the IMF and the liberal and social-liberal governments of the EU States. We call on everyone in all countries to take part in the initiatives of solidarity with the workers and people of Greece, and to take part in the demonstrations of June 20.

We also approved a motion of solidarity with the Norwegian dockers.

We call on the workers and peoples of Europe to develop and implement the orientations contained in this political declaration.

The participants established common tasks and political activities for the coming months, to advance in the struggle for the revolutionary transformation of society and the development of proletarian internationalism.

France, June 2015

Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark – APK
Communist Party of the Workers of France – PCOF
Organization for the Construction of the Communist Party of the Workers of Germany
Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece (1918-1955)
Communist Platform for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy
Marxist-Leninist Organization Revolusjon of Norway
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) – PCE (ML)
Party of Labor of Turkey – EMEP

POLITICAL RESOLUTION

Let us mobilize against policies of austerity and war
Long live international solidarity!

For years, the EU and the governments of various countries have imposed austerity policies on the workers and the popular masses. The result of the crisis of the capitalist system, aggravated by these austerity policies, have been more than 25 million unemployed in the EU, a massive unemployment that primarily affects young people, who are condemned to insecurity, but also older workers, who are threatened with sinking into poverty. The poverty extends everywhere, in the cities and the countryside. With these austerity policies, “growth” destroys more and more jobs and further enriches the rich and large shareholders. It means more insecurity, lower wages, drastic cuts in social spending: health care, education, public transport, etc.

These neoliberal policies are being implemented by the governments that are applying the “road map” of big business, of the financial oligarchy, who want to reverse the social and political gains that the working class, toilers and peoples have won through years of struggle and who today are resisting and fighting to maintain them. The various European treaties and directives, particularly since the Maastricht Treaty (and its “convergence criteria” that established the euro), have continued and deepened this anti-worker and anti-people policy, in the name of the dogma of “free and undistorted competition,” which means the organized competition of all against all, social dumping, “liberalization of the labor market,” which means freedom for the bosses to fire, the super-exploitation of the workers and instability. Whether they are called the “mobility law” of Rajoy [Prime Minister of Spain], the “Jobs Act” de Renzi [Prime Minister of Italy], the “Hartz Law” in Germany, the “Macron Law” in France, etc. these counter-reforms are all aimed at lowering the price of labor power, facilitating dismissals, developing even more flexibility and challenging the collective rights of the workers.

In recent years, it is the “debt crisis” that serves to justify the policies of privatization, of drastic cuts in social budgets, the liquidation of measures of social protection, while they are more necessary than ever for the large impoverished masses. These include particularly women of the popular strata, working women, who are the first victims of the elimination of public services.

It is not the popular masses who are responsible for these debts. These debts were contracted the billions in public money were used to bail out the banks and help the big monopolies to become ever bigger, to finance the policies of armaments, “major projects” that are useless for the people but very profitable for the monopolies who build and manage them.

The rejection of these national and European austerity policies is general. This is shown in the workers’ and popular resistance, in the demonstrations, the strikes, etc. that are the results of these policies. It is also shown in the elections, particularly through the very high rate of abstention among the popular strata and the disavowal of the governing parties, whether of the right or of the social-democrats.

The right-wing populist parties, the parties of the extreme right are able to use their electoral capital on a sector of this protest movement to highjack it into “solutions” that avoid attacking the capitalist system and that are promoting nationalism, division and xenophobia. While some do not hide their fascistic and even fascist references, others hide them behind an increasingly “social” discourse.

But this rejection is also expressed in a progressive way, particularly through the support given to the forces that take a stand against the austerity policies, against the payment of the debt for life, against the orders of the IMF, the ECB, the EU and the imperialist powers in Europe.

We are in solidarity with the struggle of the Greek people and denounce the blackmail of the leaders of the EU

This is what happened in Greece, with the victory of Syriza in the January elections.

Simply calling for “renegotiating” the debt, for having announced the end of the policy of mega-austerity imposed by the troika, has unleashed an intense campaign of pressure, blackmail, etc. by the leaders of all the EU countries, the officials of the IMF and the European institutions, in order to impose the continuation of the austerity policy.

The hatred of these leaders is explained by the fact that in no case do they want a people to refuse to continue to suffer the austerity policies that they themselves are imposing on “their” people. They do not want the fight of the people, the workers, the youth of Greece, etc. to serve as an example to other peoples. They want to avoid the “contagious effect” that this resistance can cause. Therefore, they want to make the Greek government capitulate.

It is not possible to resist these pressures without the mobilization of the Greek workers and people. This is what must be developed.

But we also need the solidarity of the workers and peoples, especially in Europe, to develop. That is why we are working with all political, union and social forces that share this goal.

We must denounce and put pressure on the governments of the EU countries, particularly those of the imperialist powers such as Germany and France, to stop this policy of blackmail towards Greece.

We must demand the cancellation of the Greek debts.

We must develop the fight against the same austerity policies in all countries.

Down with “Fortress Europe”

Every day boats of refugee from Africa and the Middle East capsize, causing dozens of deaths. If they manage to enter the EU, which is continuing to build walls, police and military barriers, etc., they find themselves chased and harassed by the police of all the EU countries. They are forced to hide and to live in inhuman conditions. They are also the target of parties and organizations of the far-right and fascists who are carrying out racist and xenophobic campaigns on the theme of the dangers of the “invasion” of refugees.

These refugees, men, women and children, are fleeing poverty and wars. They come from Syria, from the Horn of Africa, from the countries of the Sahel, etc., in short, from countries where the great imperialist powers are waging wars. Under the pretext of the “fight against terrorism,” there is the war for control of mineral and oil resources, the control of strategic zones, the rivalries among the great powers and their local allies.

In other words, the warmongers are the main ones responsible for this immigration.

While the peoples are showing their solidarity, as in Italy, in welcoming the refugees, the governments are putting in place increasingly reactionary policies aimed at “preventing immigration” and criminalizing the migrants and all those in solidarity with them.

No to the policy of tension and war

Several EU States are taking part in imperialist wars in Africa and the Middle East.

The decision of the leaders of the European imperialist powers to integrate Ukraine into the economic and political sphere of influence of the EU, the direct interference of US imperialism through the growth in power of NATO at the borders of Russia and the support given to the reactionary government of Kiev and to the reactionary and fascist forces in Ukraine, have resulted in a situation of great tension at the very frontiers of the EU.

We are currently witnessing a “re-engagement” of NATO in Europe, strongly supported by the leaders of several countries of Eastern Europe, particularly Poland and the Baltic countries. This is accompanied by an increase in their military budgets.

For several years US imperialism has put pressure on its allies to “share the burden of defense.”

The danger of war in Europe is real.

We demand the cancellation of the treaty linking Ukraine to the EU, a treaty that subjects the workers and the peoples of Ukraine to the economic and political orders of the EU.

We denounce the policy of confrontation with Russia and we demand the withdrawal of the arms deployed by NATO in this region.

We call for mobilization for the withdrawal from NATO, the armed wing of US imperialism and its allies, as an important step towards its dissolution.

We call on all people to develop the mobilization against the rising war budgets.

We denounce the increasing establishment of police States

The involvement of several European imperialist powers in the “war against terrorism” in the Middle East and the Sahel is accompanied by the establishment of mechanisms of surveillance and mass control and the closer coordination between the police, civil and military intelligence services, linked with the US intelligence services, particularly through NATO.

In all countries, one can see the strengthening of the criminalization of “social protest,” the questioning of democratic freedoms, particularly in the area of the right to strike, the right to organize and demonstrate. These attacks are concentrated against the militant organizations and unionists who denounce the class collaboration of the leaders who are “negotiating” with the employers and the government the implementation of austerity policies.

We call on the people to denounce and combat the rise of fascism in the States that is currently developing.

The myth of a Europe of peace and shared prosperity is collapsing

The crisis in Europe is sharpening the contradictions within it, among the States, and within each country and, more generally, between the social classes. Inequality is deepening and tensions are becoming exacerbated.

The economic mechanisms put in place by the EU and the euro zone are increasing the unequal development and are posing the question, repeatedly and publicly, of maintaining the euro zone as it exists.

In the countries where the people have spoken out against joining the euro zone or against joining the EU, this opposition is continuing to grow.

Certain countries applied to join the EU, and then withdrew their application, such as Iceland.

Everywhere opposition to the EU, to its policies, its anti-democratic way of functioning is growing and, in the increasingly important sectors, this challenge also affects its decision to establish itself as an imperialist bloc in ever stronger competition with the other great powers, and its even greater aggressiveness on the economic and political level towards the dominated countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America, etc.

Everywhere the consciousness is also growing that it is not possible to change the EU from within into a supposedly progressive institution at the service of peoples.

Therefore, we unconditionally defend the right of the peoples to break with the EU, the euro and all its political and economic mechanisms.

Paris, June 2015

Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark – APK
Communist Party of the Workers of France – PCOF
Organization for the Construction of the Communist Party of the Workers of Germany
Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece (1918-1955)
Communist Platform – for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy
Marxist-Leninist Organization Revolusjon of Norway
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) – PCE (ML)
Party of Labor of Turkey – EMEP

Members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations

MOTION OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE DOCKERS OF NORWAY

Call for support for the Norwegian dockers

The dockers are known worldwide for their internationalism and their solidarity with the workers and seamen who are fighting for their rights. Now the dockers themselves are in urgent need of international support and solidarity.

The dockers of Norway have been in conflict since November 2013, that is, for almost 12 months. They have been repressed and arrested by the police. Their only demand is that the employers ratify the collective agreement and abide by the Convention 137 of the ILO which grants the unionized dockers the prerogative to load and unload the cargo ships. But this right is being denied them, including in the port of Oslo.

In the port of Oslo, this fight has another international aspect, because the Turkish company Yilport obtained the “exclusive right” to operate in the port for the next twenty years. But Yilport not only refuses to negotiate a collective agreement, but even refuses any discussion with the dockers’ union. Yilport is also hiring unskilled workers from temporary employment agencies, which results in dismissing the dockers from their work. This attempt to eliminate the dockers’ union and to undermine the collective agreements is totally unacceptable. In reality this is an attack against the workers in all countries and in all sectors.

The Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations of Europe call on the workers, unions and democratic forces to show their solidarity and boycott Yilport until it rehires the union dockers in the port of Oslo and signs a collective agreement with them.

Workers of the world, unite!

Resolution adopted by the regional conference of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, held in France in June 2015

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ICMLPO: Resolution of Solidarity with the People of Haiti

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By decision of the Security Council of the United Nations, Haiti has been militarily occupied by MINUSTAH [United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti] since June 1, 2004.

This occupation is taking place under the excuse that it is a humanitarian mission that aims to “stabilize the country,” but it is actually trying to prevent the Haitian people from exercising their sovereignty and their right to self-determination.

After 10 years of occupation Haiti is in a serious political and institutional situation, with a sharp decline in democratic rights and a permanent state of violent repression of popular demonstrations for social, economic and political demands.

MINUSTAH also guarantees the entry of capital from multinational enterprises that are taking over strategic areas of the economy, such as mega-mining, luxury tourism, agro-exports and maquiladoras.

The United States, France and Canada are leading the strategic intelligence and planning of the occupation, and what is most unfortunate is that Latin American governments that claim to be democratic, such as Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador and El Salvador maintain occupation troops over this fraternal country and people.

Most of the Haitian people, 89% according to a survey, reject the occupation and demand that it be immediately ended, and they are systematically carrying out demonstrations.

The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations supports the people of Haiti in this demand and calls on its members and the peoples of Latin America to express militant solidarity with this people, which began the struggle for independence from European colonialism, especially of France, in the Americas.

The ICMLPO will develop a campaign of solidarity with Haiti in coordination with the revolutionary organizations in that country, on the occasion of the 211 anniversary of the independence of that fraternal people.

20th Plenary of the ICMLPO

Communist Party of Benin
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (Burkina Faso)
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist Leninist)
Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark
Communist Party of Labor of the Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of the Workers of France
Organization for the Construction of the Communist Workers’ Party of Germany
Movement for the Reorganization of the KKE (1918-1955) Greece
Revolutionary Democracy Organization of India
Party of Labor of Iran (Toufan)
Communist Platform of Italy
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Democratic Way of Morocco
Workers Front of Pakistan
Peruvian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)
Workers’ Party of Tunisia
Party of Labor of Turkey
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela

Turkey, November 2014

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Statement of the Plenary of the ICMLPO: Twenty years on the road of struggle and unity for the Revolution and Socialism

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I

The Plenary session of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO) to mark its 20th anniversary, met in Turkey to discuss important issues of the international situation, of political work, of the question of the Popular Front, and of the orientation for activity with working and communist women in their respective countries.

The meeting emphasized the commitment to continue the struggle against capitalism, imperialism and the international bourgeoisie, and adopted decisions on the current situation of the class struggle in the world and the tasks of the working class.

The plenary of the ICMLPO denounces all forms of injustice, reduction and freezing of wages, the policy of the imperialist monopolies and their governments, the accumulation of capital on the basis of imposing more taxes and raising the prices of goods and services, policies that are provoking rebellion and struggles of the working class and the peoples.

II

The defenders of the capitalist-imperialist system launched the idea that a democratic and prosperous world, without crises and wars, was possible. They claimed that capitalism was the only way to achieve the objectives and aspirations of the peoples. However, undisputable facts show, once again, that capitalism cannot provide any better future for the working class, the workers and the peoples.

The productive forces, industrial production and services are developing constantly. The development of these productive forces can no longer be contained within the framework of the capitalist relations of production. At present, the level of the contradiction between socialized production and capitalist appropriation of the means of production surpasses all previous times in history. Finance capital, which imposes parasitism and corruption that generate super-profits in the capitalist metropolises has developed and spread to the farthest corners of the world.

Outsourcing and fragmentation of the time and place of the labor processes and flexible working hours have become general. However, they have imposed disorganization, low wages, primitive conditions of work, unemployment and layoffs that are increasing; capitalist exploitation is growing. The intensification of exploitation and the profits of monopoly capital, the worsening of working and living conditions, are the main factor of the contradiction between labor and capital.

The development of capitalism means poverty alongside wealth and increased inequality in distribution. Impoverishment and misery are spreading. Even in the developed capitalist countries of Europe, the number of homeless families is increasing, begging is spreading and the search for food thrown away in garbage cans is becoming usual. Hunger has spread to other places, beyond the regions of endemic drought and famine in Africa.

As a consequence of capitalism the deterioration and exploitation of the environment is becoming so serious that it cannot be ignored: soil erosion, water and air pollution, the destruction of nature by the unbridled pursuit of profit, has reached high levels, has caused major climate changes that threaten the future of human beings and other living species.

The inter-imperialist contradictions and competition are leading to a renewal of economic and commercial alliances which constitute a new offensive against the living standards of the workers and peoples. Agreements such as the Asia-Pacific bloc, the BRICS under the leadership of China and Russia, the Free Trade Agreement between the United States and the European Union, are part of the effort of the imperialists and bourgeois governments to seek new areas of influence for their capital and to further exploit the working class and increase the oppression of the peoples.

The capitalist crisis that broke out in 2008, which began in the US, affected all countries. It destroyed productive forces. The imperialist and capitalist countries through their governments initiated a policy of corporate bailout using billions of dollars and euros for this purpose. These funds were taken from the public treasury, from the workers and peoples through taxes; they led to a reduction in wages, to unemployment and cuts to social security among other measures. Thus the bourgeoisie has shown once again its hostile and contemptuous attitude to the working classes. In various countries, more than 10 million workers were made unemployed; their salaries were reduced to as little as one third; their retirement age was increased; their pensions were drastically decreased.

All this shows that capitalism lacks a humane conscience. While the centralization of capital increases, the full weight of the crisis lies on the workers and oppressed peoples, with very severe results, particularly in unemployment, among the women and youth.

III

The economies of the US and some European countries, where a process of relative recovery and revival began in 2009, have failed to maintain this; now signs of a new crisis are arising. The debts incurred by the States to carry out the bailouts of corporations in 2008 represent a heavy burden on the economies of the capitalist countries. Except for China, all the countries are in debt.

Currently, one sees a decline in growth rates and also signs of recession. Moreover, the economies of several countries are showing a negative growth.

The figures for unemployment and poverty are alarming. According to data of the International Labor Organization, there are 202 million unemployed worldwide. Poverty rates for 2013 show that there are 1,000 million people whose daily income is less than $1 while 2,800 million people have daily incomes of less than $2.

There are 448 million malnourished children; each day 30,000 children die from lack of treatment for curable diseases.

Emigration has reached unprecedented levels. Hoping to reach the developed countries, to achieve a better life, a job to earn a living, millions of people emigrate from the dependent countries, where there is poverty caused by imperialist plunder and where regional wars persist.

A large number of these people (including women and children) die before they get where they wanted to go. Those who do make it become victims of discrimination, racist and xenophobic attacks, of the most precarious conditions of work with the lowest wages.

IV

The contradictions among the imperialists are sharpening and inter-imperialist contention is growing.

The claims of those who advocate “globalization,” based on manipulating the development of the trend towards integration of the world economy, say that “the old imperialism no longer exists,” that “the analysis of imperialism is obsolete, surpassed.” All this is nothing but propaganda of the imperialists themselves.

The hegemony of finance capital, whose networks continue to expand worldwide, financial speculation for the purpose of the monopoly looting, including the maximum advantage of state resources, are real and its existence needs no proof.

On the one hand, the number of millionaires is increasing daily, as are the profits of the monopolies and investment banks. On the other hand, the working masses and workers are growing constantly, but their working conditions are worsening and their poverty is deepening. These are also facts that do not need proof.

The regional wars and imperialist interventions are continuing; the contradictions and struggle for hegemony among the imperialist states are sharpening. One cannot say that the reactionary bourgeois and imperialist states only act outside their country, only through expansion, without recognizing the consolidation of the “home front”; the expansion of imperialism is also carried out through the exploitation of the working class in their own countries.

After the defeat of the workers’ movement and the demise of socialism, the world has become a place for bourgeois political relations, a completely reactionary world.

The norms of the so-called “welfare state” were considered unnecessary and rapidly “neoliberal” political measures were applied. The bourgeoisie, with its triumph over and disorganization of the workers’ movement, is carrying out an increasingly reactionary offensive in all countries.

Bourgeois democracy, whose duplicity and formal nature is undisputable on the issue of equality and freedom, has become even more reactionary with the “neoliberal process.”

Reaction is attacking all ideological, political, cultural, moral and legal spheres. The growth of conservatism together with medieval “values” is the defining feature of current development. Organizations such as Al Qaeda and the Islamic State, which have become strengthened under these circumstances, have become useful tools of the international bourgeoisie and imperialism.

Imperialism and financial capital support this reaction, particularly in its medieval form, and are making it into the fundamental basis of their hegemony. Even the capitalist countries where bourgeois democracy is relatively advanced are showing fascist trends and a police state. In recent times, there have been the lessons learned by events in Ukraine, which highlight the limits of bourgeois democracy.

In Ukraine, a center of conflicts between the imperialist powers, the developed capitalist countries that were considered the “cradle of advanced democracy” have no qualms about openly supporting neo-Nazi and fascist forces.

V

The struggle of the workers and peoples is the other side of the coin.

The anger and discontent, accumulated due to the cruelty of the socio-economic offensive of monopoly reaction, has provoked popular uprisings and mass struggles. The last years are filled with examples of popular movements that emerged in response to the offensive of reaction, of the international bourgeoisie and imperialism.

These popular demonstrations, strikes and massive protests, the uprisings and rebellions, although they have not yet managed to undermine the reaction of the bourgeoisie, show the prospects for development in the near future.

In the Middle East, divided by artificial borders by imperialism and its allies, which do not recognize the right of self-determination of the peoples, the “status” formulated one hundred years ago is disintegrating.

Syria, a country that has lost its territorial integrity, is seeking its future with the end of the civil war. Clearly, Iraq, a country that has never become firmly organized and integrated, influenced by the Syrian civil war, cannot continue as it has until today. The future of this country will be determined by the struggle of the Iraqi people of all faiths and nationalities, who have been dragged into conflicts and sectorial and ethnic divisions.

The future of Egypt is linked to the outcome of the struggle between the people and national and international reaction.

The Kurdish people have taken important steps to determine their own future, establishing democratic mandates in three cantons; joining with the nations of Rojava (Western Kurdistan).

The struggle of the Palestinian people for self-determination and to organize themselves as a state is continuing despite the Israeli Zionist offensive.

Strikes and protests in Spain, South Africa, Portugal, Belgium, Italy and France, have emerged as new and dynamic subjects of the struggle.

In Tunisia, the struggle for rights and freedoms is growing and the Popular Front is being strengthened.

The people of Burkina Faso are carrying out a revolutionary struggle to take their future into their own hands, defeating one dictatorship after another.

In the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, the peoples are fighting against religious reaction and the governments allied to imperialism.

In Turkey, the resistance of Gezi in June, in Taksim; in Brazil the protests against rising fares; in Chile the student demonstrations have increased the confidence of young people in themselves; they are demanding democracy and freedom.

The struggles that emerged in Latin America, particularly in Mexico, Ecuador and the Dominican Republic, are being strengthened.

In the popular resistance and mobilizations that are taking place in these countries, the mass participation and attitude of resistance of the workers stands out. This also shows concretely the determining role of women in the advance of the struggle of the working class and peoples.

VI

Clearly these demonstrations, resistance and strikes are a source of hope in the struggle of the working class and peoples. However, the massive mobilizations of the workers and peoples also have the weakness of the lack of organization and consciousness, and on the vanguard level the participation of the working class as an independent class.

In recent years the popular demonstrations show that we have not yet overcome the disorganization caused by the defeat suffered by the working class.

Our immediate and concrete task is to change this situation. The disorganized demonstrations can not have a definitive success without a revolutionary program with independent demands, although they may achieve some advances over bourgeois reaction.

On this issue the responsibility belongs to our parties and our organizations. To increase our numbers among the workers and laboring people; to recognize the immediate democratic and economic demands and link the fight to the victory of the revolution and socialism; this is the only way. The objective conditions for socialism are more mature than ever; however, these demand in an unquestionable way the unity and organization of the working class and laboring people.

VII

Today, just as yesterday, the revolution necessitates strategic alliances. Class alliances built in action, that correspond to the practical political needs of the struggle, in various forms. The working class, the laboring and oppressed peoples, are advancing in their struggle to repel the attacks by building partial and temporary alliances. What is fundamental is to build these alliances around programs of struggle that include concrete and immediate demands of the working class and oppressed peoples. The present task of achieving unity, alliances, of building Popular Fronts, is inevitable, as were the united fronts against fascism in the past.

This is especially important in order to increase the political and ideological power of the working class and of our parties, and to create and develop popular organizations that advance the wheel of history.

VIII

There are countries in which the ideologues and spokespersons of the opportunist and revisionist parties and organizations invent “new” ideas and proclamations every day and try to distort the class struggle.

In Brazil, the social democratic government, in Spain Podemos [We Can], in Greece the “left” of Syriza, etc. are current examples. On the other hand, the “progressive” governments are becoming worn out, they are losing ground and prestige in Latin America.

Once again events show that reformism and liberalism have nothing to give the working class and the peoples.

Another mystification is the supposed progressive nature of Russian and Chinese imperialism as opposed to United States imperialism and its Western partners; this falls under its own weight, since their confrontations correspond to the preservation and expansion of their own interests. This is nothing more than embellishing bourgeois reaction and imperialist capitalism.

IX

The present events confirm that the class struggle is the motive force of history, that the working class is the fundamental force and the vanguard of the revolution and socialism.

That is why we call on the workers and peoples of all countries, on the youths, the progressive scientists and intellectuals of the world to unite and raise higher the fight against the international bourgeoisie, reaction and imperialism.

In this process, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations will assume all its responsibilities and fulfill its necessary tasks.

ICMLPO, Turkey, November, 2014.

Communist Party of Benin
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (Burkina Faso)
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark
Communist Party of Labor of the Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of the Workers of France
Organization for the Construction of the Communist Workers’ Party of Germany
Movement for the Reorganization of the KKE (1918-1955) of Greece
Revolutionary Democracy Organization of India
Party of Labor of Iran (Toufan)
Communist Platform of Italy
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Democratic Way of Morocco
Workers Front of Pakistan
Peruvian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)
Workers’ Party of Tunisia
Party of Labor of Turkey
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela

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European ICMLPO Members: No to the Anti-Social, Anti-Democratic and Militarist European Union

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Regional conference of parties and organizations of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO)

The recovery of the global capitalist economy is not on the agenda. The recovery is constantly being announced for tomorrow, but for the vast majority of countries, there is stagnation or recession. The so-called emerging countries are in turn caught up in the crisis.

Within the European Union, the governments of the right, social-democrats or coalition governments are imposing brutal austerity policies and the European Commission is charged with controlling their strict implementation. In the Euro zone, it exerts even a priori control of the budgets of the various governments, ensuring that they meet the neoliberal criteria of reduction of the budgets and the indebtedness of states.

This neoliberal dogma of reduction of state debts up to 3% of GDP has become the “rule of steel” especially written into the Merkel-Sarkozy Treaty (the “fiscal pact”), a real war machine against the social gains, social welfare and public services.

The offensive of the bosses, the governments and the European Commission focuses on the drastic lowering of wages and increased productivity, which combined make for increased profits of the monopolies. The crisis is a formidable pretext to generalize flexibility and oppose the rights and gains of the working class and the toiling masses. The policy of mega-austerity imposed by the “troika” (European Central Bank, European Union and IMF) on Greece, implemented by the coalition government of the right and social-democracy, is causing immense social harm, an unprecedented decline in the standard of living, a decrease in life expectancy and the health of the population, not to mention the exodus of young people and skilled workers, who have left their country in the hope of finding work in other countries. The same thing is taking place in Spain, Italy and Portugal, where unemployment has skyrocketed, especially among the young workers, and where millions of families live below the “official” poverty line.

Europe is synonymous with the policy of austerity, social regression, etc.

For the workers and peoples, the youth and women of the popular strata, the EU stands for the policy of austerity, social regression, the competition of all against all, social dumping, mass unemployment and misery. In all the EU countries, the working class and the toiling masses are in a chorus of protest against this policy: a massive protest, with strikes, demonstrations and mobilizations that put millions of people in the streets, of urban and rural workers, the retired, etc., in short of all the victims of this policy. The media controlled by the monopolies pass over this in silence, because the financial oligarchy, the governments at its service and the European Commission are its instrument, fearing above all that those fights against the same policies will reinforce each other, and that the working class and the toiling masses will become conscious of their strength and their common interests and they will lead all strata that are victims of these austerity policies in their fight.

and of reaction

To impose these policies of austerity and competitiveness, the financial oligarchy, the monopolies and banks do not hesitate to put in place unelected governments, governmental alliances including parties of the extreme right, and to impose European norms and directives that have the force of law, which are binding on the governments, parliaments and national institutions. Thus also in Italy, the troika began by imposing the first non-elected government and gave its support to a third government, also unelected, led by a reformist liberal leader who wants to speed up imposing anti-worker measures and an authoritarian presidential system. Austerity goes along with with more reaction, more repression against all those who oppose it and further criminalization of social protest.

This only emphasizes the anti-social and anti-democratic character of the EU. The real power is in the hands of the heads of states and governments and the unelected European Commission, which decides and develops directives that are imposed on states, under pressure from representatives of lobbies of the monopolies. The superabundant European Parliament discusses these constantly, but its decisions have little effect. It serves as a “democratic” pretext to an EU that is not democratic.

No to Fortress Europe, No to Militarist Europe

This is a EU that takes refuge behind an arsenal of laws, of military ships, of walls, in order to hunt down potential migrants crammed into boats, of whom thousands have capsized in the Mediterranean. With “Frontex” [the EU agency that controls external borders – translator’s note], detention camps such as that of Lempedusa, the walls of barbed wire, this “fortress Europe” wants to “defend” the men and women who are fleeing poverty and wars for which it is itself responsible.

Indeed, it is the EU which today is intervening militarily in the Central African Republic, an intervention decided and implemented on the ground in the first place by French imperialism, which called on its EU allies for help. Some governments have sent troops, other logistical support, but none have condemned the intervention, which is turning into a quagmire, like all imperialist military interventions in Africa. Their principal objective is the maintenance of neocolonial domination and the control of sources of raw materials, particularly uranium deposits. The most aggressive and belligerent imperialist powers in the EU, particularly French imperialism, British imperialism, and more and more German imperialism, are playing a particularly dangerous and reactionary role in order to push the EU to acquire military means to defend “their” interests, particularly in Africa, which it considers its “exclusive hunting ground.” This policy is carried out in close collaboration with U.S. imperialism, which gobbles up billions and is pushing militarization in all the EU countries. It is openly directed against the struggles of the peoples of Africa, who are fighting to get rid of imperialist domination and the reactionary cliques in power in these countries, which are its instruments.

Secret negotiations on the “Great Transatlantic Market”

For months the European Commission has been negotiating in secret the terms of a trans-Atlantic agreement with representatives of the governments, the Ministries of Commerce and the big U.S. companies. It is a neoliberal “free trade” treaty that seeks to break the norms of protection of food quality and the environment and to expand the opening of all markets, in particular public markets, to the appetites of the monopolies. These agreements would allow the monopolies to bring the States before a private court that could sentence them for obstructing “free” competition. This treaty was presented by Obama as a “NATO” in commercial matters, aimed at combating the economic power of China and other competitors of the US-EU alliance, according to the formula: Unite against the rest of the world and set off together in the economic war for the conquest of markets and the control of raw materials and sources of energy. This agreement is a war machine against the workers and peoples of the whole world, through the competition of all against all. The only beneficiaries of the “free and undisturbed competition” are the most powerful monopolies. It is urgent that a large movement be developed in all EU countries to demand an end to these negotiations.

The dangerous situation in Ukraine

This policy has led to the current dangerous situation in Ukraine and throughout the region, which threatens to escalate into a large-scale military confrontation.

First, there are the inter-imperialist contradictions, the policy of eastward expansion of the EU, under the impetus of German imperialism, which is seeking to strengthen its leadership in the EU and thus carry more weight in the competition among the imperialist powers on a world scale.

Ukraine is a large country with very important resources and occupies a geostrategic position that is essential for Russia. To swallow up Ukraine into the sphere of influence of the EU would be a great blow to Russia and the ambitions of its leaders to make their country a major imperialist power. No one should ignore this. But this is exactly what made the EU leaders not hesitate to support the reactionary forces, including openly fascist forces, who took power through a coup. Putin’s reaction was immediate. U.S. imperialism openly came into action to take control of the management of this crisis and to place itself at the head of its European allies, who for years have built economic ties with Russia. French imperialism sells it weapons, German imperialism depends in part on its gas supplies, British imperialism needs billions from the Russian financial oligarchy, and a large portion of the gas consumed by EU countries runs through Ukrainian pipelines. Taking advantage of this crisis, NATO is expanding to the East, still closer to the borders of Russia, which only fuels the tension.

The big imperialist powers are directly involved and are adversaries. If today none of them wants a direct military confrontation, an unstable situation has taken hold in the region amid a revival of militarism. The EU appears more and more clearly as an imperialist bloc whose ambitions threaten peace. While there is not complete unity within it, this is the course that the dominant imperialist powers within it are imposing and are developing on its behalf.

The identity of views between the social-democratic parties and the conservative parties should be noted here. They all supported the Allied response to the extreme right in Ukraine and they all welcome the return of NATO to the stage. The way the appointment of Stoltenberg, a leader of Norwegian social-democracy, as Secretary General of NATO was hailed by all of these forces is an example.

The workers and peoples reject this Europe

This whole policy is now the object of a profound rejection by the workers and peoples. This protest continues to grow everywhere. The progressive, revolutionary and anti-imperialist forces, the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, have an urgent duty to stand at the head of this vast protest that affects all strata of the people, starting with the working class. To stand at the head of this protest means to fight relentlessly against the austerity policies that the governments and the EU are imposing. It is to support the aspirations and struggles of the workers and peoples against the anti-democratic character of the EU, against the imperialist nature of its policy and against the denial of the right of the peoples to decide their own future.

The reactionary and extreme right forces, the openly fascist groups and parties want to take advantage of this protest to lead it on the dangerous path of nationalism, division and xenophobia. For them, the enemy is not the capitalist system, but the other peoples or the “foreigners.” These forces want to utilize the European elections to strengthen themselves, to elect deputies and receive funding from the EU to extend their work.

The position of the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations in the European elections

We Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, the signatories of this declaration, will develop our analysis of the nature of the EU and its policies and make known our positions on the occasion of these elections. These elections are a reflection of European construction; this is a caricature of democracy.

In countries where there are forces that are taking part in these elections on positions of the fight against the EU of austerity, reaction and war, we call for a vote for these lists. In countries where this is not the case, or where the choice is between forces supporting the EU and forces that criticize it in certain aspects, without questioning its foundations or its objectives, and develop illusions about possibility of reforming it, we do not endorse any of these lists and develop an active policy in favor of abstention.

In the countries where the progressive forces are fighting for the withdrawal of their country from the EU, or where they have popular support or they are engaged in broad fronts that are taking part in lists on this basis, we call for a vote for them. We will popularize these lists on an international level, in the name of the right of the peoples to decide their own fate. We denounce any blackmail, any attempt to conceal their fight or to distort its meaning and range.

In all cases, we put forward the following main lines:

Down with the imperialist EU
Stop the austerity policies of the EU
No to the EU of austerity and reaction
No to the Europe of criminalization of social protest
No to the war policy of the EU
No to the Transatlantic Treaty
No to the project of the United States of Europe
No to imperialist Europe
For the right of the peoples to withdraw from the EU
Yes to the solidarity of the workers and peoples.

Regional conference of member parties and organizations of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations

Germany, April 2014

Denmark: Communist Workers’ Party of Denmark – APK; France: Communist Party of the Workers of France – PCOF; Germany: Organization for the construction of a Communist Workers Party (Arbeit Zukunft); Italy: Communist Platform of Italy; Norway: Marxist Leninist Group Revolution; Spain: Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist – PCE-ml; Turkey: Party of Labor EMEP

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Are Popular Fronts Necessary Today?

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Raul Marcos
Member of the Communist Party of Spain ML
August 2014

The answer is a resounding YES. They are necessary and indispensable given the condition of oppression and exploitation that are worsening, and from which the people are suffering. The proletariat, with its party at the forefront, should be at the head of the popular masses, to organize and lead their struggles. It is not an easy task, but all difficulties can be overcome. For that to happen, it is necessary to work to link up in a broad manner with the advanced masses, to win their recognition.

The Congress of the Communist International (1921) stated that “The United Front [of the proletariat] is the unity […] of the workers who are decisive in the fight against capitalism”. Dimitrov insisted that the Popular Front, given the circumstances that existed in the world, was an urgent necessity and that its essential basis must be the United Front of the Proletariat.

The fundamental contradictions of the period in which we live and struggle, are perfectly defined: The contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie; the contradiction between capitalism and socialism; the contradiction between oppressed peoples and nations on the one hand and imperialism on the other; the contradiction among imperialist and financial powers. The last contradiction manifests itself in the local wars, the aggressions against the peoples, the contention for geostrategic zones and the exploitation of the neo-colonies, the manipulation of the democratic and patriotic sentiments of the peoples. It is a rapidly growing contradiction.

We live in the period which Lenin defined, but with new characteristics and forms. Presently, we see the expression of a tendency towards fascism as organized groups of neo-Nazis carry out actions in various countries, and this should concern us. In many cases they are protected by the governments (such is the case in Greece, Hungary, Spain, etc.). Power and state apparatus, with some exceptions, are in the hands of parties and governments which are reactionary and anti-popular. The big powers and their puppet governments speak of democracy, of human rights, of peace among the people… while they are savagely subjugating and exploiting the people, who are oppressed, in many cases through force of arms.

This is a general situation, not in this or that country: in different degrees and different forms and intensity; it is a general tendency. The communist parties must daily confront situations of repression, of struggles for social conquests, against laws which encroach upon and suppress labor and social rights which had been achieved through many decades of struggle.

In his report to the VII Congress of the Communist International (1935), and with a similar situation at hand, Dimitrov focused on the importance of creating popular fronts against the conditions which arose with the growth of Nazi-fascism (Italy, Germany, Portugal, Japan, etc.). Despite the years which have passed and the events that have taken place, the report is still very relevant and can serve as a general orientation to the parties. It is evident that the present circumstances are not the same as the 1930s. The context in which we live is very different from that period, and it is enough to recall the dismemberment of the Soviet Union, the opportunist degeneration of many of the parties at that time, and that today, with some rare exceptions, the Marxist-Leninist parties are very weak, without much influence upon the broad masses.

The importance of Dimitrov’s writing is undeniable, yet we should keep in mind that the international situation is not the same, although there are problems of a similar nature (which are reflected in the fundamental contradictions), and it is also necessary to act according to the particular circumstances of each country and party. The work of a front cannot be carried out in the same manner in every country, since we have to take into consideration the inevitable unequal development, of the political forces as well as the Party and of society itself. Its undeniable that we cannot compare the situation which Ecuador is living under (in all of the aspects pointed out), with that of Germany, for example, in Spain, Denmark, Turkey, Morocco, France, Venezuela, etc. etc., there are different conditions and therefore, tactically there will be differences, secondary differences, but in the end differences.

Defending the importance and the present aspects of Dimitrov’s speech should not lead us to apply every detail, each and every aspect which his text deals with. To study, analyze and discuss the writings of great communist leaders, and Dimitrov is one of them, should not lead us to convert them into catechism, infallible doctrines, something which is opposed to the Marxist Leninist dialectic.

Each of our parties should consider these questions. There are no prefabricated answers. Only the dialectic examination, that is of the moment which can change from one day to the other, without separating ourselves from tomorrow’s strategy, whose course cannot be predicted or defined, will allow us to take up tactical positions and measures to confront and attempt to solve the problems.

The important thing is to keep in mind at all times the reality in which our parties live and evolve, work and struggle. Therefore, we must keep in mind a decisive fact: In almost all countries, with different levels of development, the working class is the most revolutionary and its advanced members are at the head of the struggles for justice. But the working class is not the only class exploited by capitalism. There are sectors of the small and middle bourgeoisie which also suffer oppression. And although their mentality is not that of the conscious proletariat, we should take those sectors into consideration and try to get closer to them. We should keep in mind that if the working class and its party do not try to unite the other working classes, including certain patriotic and democratic sectors of the middle classes, these could be manipulated by some faction of the bourgeoisie. Undoubtedly, the working class must win over, in the ideological and political combat, the role of vanguard of all those exploited and oppressed sectors and defend their demands.

This could be the basis for forging tactical, momentary alliances. But we should not confuse or counterpoise those tactical alliances of a given moment, to the strategic alliances. That is, we do not subordinate strategic alliances to questions of the moment, circumstantial ones, but neither do we subordinate tactical alliances to the establishment of possible strategic alliances, so long as this does not imply abandoning essential questions. To be clearer: we should be vigilant so as not to confuse with the Popular Front tactical, partial, or momentary alliances, in many cases local ones or of a city, region or province, including agreements with special sectors, but which cannot include the  most advanced general sectors.

The Popular Front should respond to the general needs of the struggle, to political questions which are proposed, and above all, to mobilize the advanced masses to incorporate them into action.

The working class, theoretically the proletariat, should be the principal force of the Popular Front. This means that in practice it should also be the leading force. We should keep in mind that theory without practice is just empty words, and that practice without theory is like blindly striking out blows.

Given the broad political nature of the forces which could become part of the Front, the Party should strive to be at the head, be the leader (in relative terms depending on the circumstances) so that the proletariat can exercise its influence as the main force. That leading role is not achieved by force of will, or by a decree; it must be won in daily practice, by the clarity of our political proposals, with the respectful and faithful application of agreements.

If the party does not fulfill that role, in the long run it will tail behind the petit bourgeoisie and that would be a grave error. Here we should keep in mind the “Law of the unity and struggle of opposites”.

This leads us to the question of the ideological independence of the Party. A Popular Front, built upon minimum agreements (depending on the circumstances), cannot take up all our proposals. But that should not lead us to renounce our political and ideological positions. Within the framework of the tasks of the Front, communists are, and will be, very careful at the time of fulfilling our agreements even if these are not exactly what we would have preferred.

The policy of unity in any alliance, and also in the Popular Front, should not lead us to forget the class struggle. In fact, the alliances, agreements or tactical compromises with other political forces should help us to reinforce the strength of the Party and not the other way around. That is not always understood, so that if the Party, communists, become diluted as a result of such an alliance, that would result in a grave weakening or possibly the disappearance of the Party.

With much ability and tact, and without high-handedness or strange maneuvers, the Party should, as Lenin stated, lead everything. This forces us to carry out a clear and sincere work with the forces which make up the Front, to respect and fulfill the agreed-upon commitments and programs, but without forgetting that:

”…only the political party of the working class, i.e., the Communist Party, is capable of uniting, training and organizing a vanguard of the proletariat and of the whole mass of the working people that alone will be capable of withstanding the inevitable petty-bourgeois vacillations of this mass (Lenin, Preliminary Draft Resolution of the Tenth Congress of the R.C.P. on the Syndicalist and Anarchist Deviation in Our Party. Our emphasis.)

We should be with the advanced masses, becoming more and better, to mobilize within the Popular Front and in all the fronts created which include the masses. That requires defeating the relative weakness of the parties, (without forgetting the inevitability of unequal development), since without a strong party we can do very little; and it is also necessary to be conscious of the fact that regardless how big and powerful a Party may be, we will always be a minority in society:

“…We communists are but a drop in the ocean, a drop in the ocean of the people”, but “without a party of the proletariat we cannot even consider the defeat of imperialism, the conquest of the dictatorship of proletariat…” and also the Party “is the vanguard of a class and its duty is to guide the masses, and not to reflect the average mental state of the masses,” Lenin sharply stated.

For communists it is of prime importance to carry out a constant work face-to-face with the masses. But this must be well planned and we should not speak of the masses in a superficial way, without being precise: we should lead the advanced masses and keep in mind that there are various levels of understanding among them regarding the struggle. Dimitrov said that Sectarianism finds expression particularly in overestimating the revolutionization of the masses…” and he quoted Lenin, “…we must not regard that which is obsolete for us, as obsolete for the class, as obsolete for the masses.”

Lenin, like Stalin, Dimitrov, the great leaders, were constantly concerned about the work towards the masses. Lenin specified and warned:

There is nothing more warranted than the urging of attention to the constant, imperative necessity of deepening and broadening, broadening and deepening, our influence on the masses, our strictly Marxist propaganda and agitation, our ever-closer connection with the economic struggle of the working class, etc. Yet, because such urging is at all times warranted, under all conditions and in all situations, it must not be turned into special slogans, nor should it justify attempts to build upon it a special trend in Social- Democracy. A border-line exists here; to exceed the bounds is to turn this indisputably legitimate urging into a narrowing of the aims and the scope of the movement, into a doctrinaire blindness to the vital and cardinal political tasks of the moment.

But for the very reason that the work of intensifying and broadening our influence on the masses is always necessary, after each victory as after each defeat, in times of political quiescence as in the stormiest periods of revolution, we should  not turn the emphasis upon this work into a special slogan or build upon it any special trend if we do not wish to court the risk of descending to demagogy and degrading the aims of the advanced and only truly revolutionary class. (On Confounding Politics with Pedagogics, 1905)

To overestimate the role of the masses is as dangerous as to underestimate it, since both errors distort the role of the Communist Party. This also has to do with the Popular Front since its work is oriented precisely towards the popular masses. One of the conditions for considering an alliance as a Popular Front is that it include, as a minimum, sectors of the exploited and oppressed classes whether they are organized or unorganized.

It is necessary to pay attention, in all our activity, the Leninist Communist Party, leader of the proletariat, of the advanced sectors of the working class, so as not to confuse it with the “mass party” which is amorphous and includes the revisionists and right-wingers of every type. There exists a line of demarcation which must not be underestimated. For communists, what we define as “mass line” is to implement our politics and proposals in a decisive and capable manner outside of the Party. We should not limit ourselves just to our own members and intimate friends.

It is important to have a clear understanding of the lines of demarcation between Marxist-Leninists and opportunists, Khrushchevites, Maoists, including those who preach socialism of the 21st century. Does this mean that we should not have agreements, compromises, and unity pacts with all those who do not share our principles? Clearly not! If we only unite with those who share our ideas and principles, we would not be talking about alliances, popular fronts, etc.; we would only be talking about unity with communists. And that is a different problem.

Presently, many of our parties have a problem which is a history of weak organizing, which is trying to fulfill the role of leaders. This is not achieved through decrees; there are no magic formulas. It will be achieved, depending upon the circumstances, through our work and dedication. Alliances tactical agreements, etc. with other political forces or groups are proposed to us. We are not in a situation in which we can impose our positions. However, we should not refuse the offer because of that. On the contrary, we should participate loyally and in the discussions present our political proposals; we should discuss and confront opinions and little by little go about winning political and ideological ground.

A very simple question, but one which we do not always keep in mind, is that alliances of broad fronts are not meant to last forever. They must be seen as developing; they are not static alliances; what we propose and approve today as just and valid, can stop being so at another time.

The Popular Front is created depending upon the circumstances and we do not create circumstances; we find ourselves in them and we must take them up, always having in mind the evolution of these circumstances. As Dimitrov warns with a great deal of reason: “…it is particularly dangerous to confuse the wish with fact. We must base ourselves on the facts, on the actual concrete situation.”

The Popular Front is an important task which must be dealt with under all circumstances in which the political struggle is developing; it is not an option, it is a necessary task. To promote it and to advance in completing that task, the revolutionary party of the proletariat must draw up a correct revolutionary policy which takes into consideration the concrete conditions, always keeping in mind the strategic objectives. The application of that policy depends not only on its correctness, but also on the potential of the Party, of its forces. A just and correct revolutionary policy can remain as a proposal if there is not a firm decision to carry it out with the advanced sectors of the masses.

The experience of the international communist movement leads us to seriously consider the danger of deviations which can occur. Generally, the existing opportunism has been, and is, of the right. But we cannot forget that there is also left opportunism; both are particularly harmful to the work of a broad front. It is convenient to remember Marx’s warning in his Critique of the Gotha Program: “no bargaining about principles.”

Right-wing opportunism tends to appear with the following expressions or characteristics: to make concessions of principles in order to make allies; to reduce the level of the struggle for fear of the enemy; to lag behind the level of consciousness of the masses instead of going in front of them; to exaggerate the importance of national or regional particularities without taking into account the general principles; and liberalism in matters of organization, of which the most dangerous is to hide the Party as if it did not exist. We should always keep Lenin in mind: Eenter into agreements to satisfy the practical aims of the movement, but do not allow any bargaining over principle.” (What Is To Be Done?)

Opportunism of the left has the following main characteristics: the false criteria of all or nothing; not knowing how to make the needed concessions and compromises useful for the development of this work; not knowing how to adapt Marxism-Leninism to the particular conditions of the reality in which we live, allowing us to be influenced by the experiences of others, which leads to not know how to adapt or to make mistakes about the level and forms of the struggle and the objective conditions of the masses; in adopting rigid criteria in matters of organizing.

In his Poverty of Philosophy, Marx criticized opportunism. Quoting Juvenal: “Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas”, in other words, “And for the sake of life to lose the reasons for living!” Let us not forget this old lesson.

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ICMLPO (Unity & Struggle): Final Declaration of the 18th International Seminar, Problems of the Revolution in Latin America: The Current International Situation and the Tasks of the Revolutionaries

In the midst of joy and enthusiasm, the 18th International Seminar, Problems of the Revolution in Latin America, was closed. The event was held with the participation of 28 organizations from 15 countries; it is estimated that about 1500 people attended the seminar during its 5 days. The fruit of the hard work of the last week is attested to below:

With an air of apparent tranquillity and optimism, the economic analysts of the international bourgeoisie announced to the world that the economic crisis that broke out in 2008 had come to an end and a period of capitalist recovery loomed. Indeed, demonstrations of a small economic recovery can be seen in some countries, such as the United States and Germany, but at the same time, other economies are suffering new setbacks. During these years, the centre of the crisis has been moving from one region to another; its economic effects are still present around the world accompanied by the intensification of political and social conflicts.

The world is the scene of acute social-political confrontation between the peoples and the ruling classes, between dependent countries and imperialist states, and among imperialist powers themselves which are fiercely contesting control of areas of influence, markets, natural resources of the dependent countries, etc. This explains the political-military conflicts that are taking place in various parts of the world, such as Ukraine, Syria or the Middle East.

In this agitated world, the workers, youth and peoples in general are making their way with their struggles, seeking to affirm the historic leading role that they deserve.

The onslaught of capital to place the burden of the crisis on the backs of the workers has clashed with the combative response of the peoples in Europe. From the other side of the ocean, the Latin American peoples have watched with joy and optimism the general strikes, street demonstrations, the combative days of struggle that have spread throughout Spain, Greece, Portugal, Italy, Germany, etc. that is, in almost the whole old continent. In this practice of mass struggle the revolutionary organizations are redoubling their efforts to provide the right direction to these fights, contending with right-wing and opportunist forces that see in such circumstances the opportunity to provide political solutions to the crisis without affecting the framework of the bourgeois institutions.

Faced with the savage mechanisms and levels of capitalist exploitation in Asia and Africa, the response of workers is to strike. Thousands, tens of thousands of workers, miners and agricultural workers are stopping work in companies that are mostly subsidiaries of imperialist transnationals.

The American continent, which at one point in history committed itself to taking up arms to defeat colonial domination, is also the scene of popular protests, of acute political confrontations and inter-imperialist disputes.

The course of the so-called progressive governments is showing serious problems. The public and social work that they were able to develop in previous years due to the unusual income from the sale of raw materials on the international market, now has difficulties in continuing: the economic problems are causing havoc. In their search for resources they have opted for doing what the bourgeoisie in power has traditionally done, prostrating themselves before international financial capital and putting their hands in the pockets of the workers.

Chinese, Russian, Canadians and U.S. capital are flowing into this region to engage in mining, oil, energy projects, etc., or through loans that, in one case or another, maintain an existing state of economic dependence. Several of these “progressive” governments, in the name of a supposed anti-U.S. attitude, are actually carrying forward a renegotiation of dependency on China in particular.

In many aspects of economic and political practice there is no major difference between the “progressive” governments and the openly right- wing ones. Both apply policies and laws to restrict or even eliminate the rights of the workers and peoples – with different labels but identical purposes; “anti-terrorists” laws are passed that seek to prevent popular protest through its criminalization; they coincide in promoting extractive and agro-energy projects that plunder our wealth and cause disastrous and irreversible consequences to nature.

Of course, there are more examples of the application of anti-people and anti-national policies; therefore the discontent and struggle of the workers, youth and peoples are growing… and repression as well. In the Americas, as in other parts of the world, the increasingly reactionary nature of the state is a fact that, however, strikes the struggle of the people in the most varied forms.

Faced with this reality, and bearing in mind that the reason for existence of the revolutionary forces is to organize the leading role of the masses in the revolution, we the participants in this International Seminar commit our struggle to defend the immediate and strategic interests of the workers and peoples, and to defend national sovereignty under the sign of class independence.

We reaffirm the principle of the unity of the workers and people as the fundamental basis to defeat their common enemy, anti-imperialist unity to carry through our struggle successfully.

We work for the revolutionary ideas to open the way and take root in the consciousness of the peoples; therefore it is essential to confront and defeat the ruling classes and imperialism in the ideological field. It is not enough to fight the openly reactionary and right-wing positions; it is fundamental to unmask the pseudo-leftist and opportunist theses and positions that operate in the popular movement to make it work for pro-capitalist projects in the name of supposed revolutions of the 21st century.

We take as our own the struggles of the workers and peoples that are developing in whatever part of the world, therefore we are in solidarity with them all. In particular, we raise our voices and our fists with indignation against the genocide being carried out by the Zionist state of Israel with Yankee support against the Palestinian people: our solidarity with the heroic struggle of the Palestinian people to regain their territory and their right to self-determination. Our voices of support go out to the Venezuelan people fighting to defend the democratic gains made in recent years, and our condemnation of the interventionist and destabilizing action of U.S. imperialism and the bourgeoisie of that country. We stand with the people of Ukraine who are victims of the ambitions of domestic corrupt and reactionary groups and of conflicts between foreign powers.

We demand freedom for the people’s fighters, for the political prisoners and political prisoners of war and for all victims of repression prosecuted for their beliefs in different parts of the world.

These views, the result of an open and respectful debate in the context of the 18th International Seminar, Problems of the Revolution in Latin America, held in Quito, we present to the peoples of Latin America and of the world.

Our objective is the social and national revolution, the liberation of all mankind from the yoke of capital: that purpose we direct our best efforts.

Quito, August 1, 2014

Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina
Revolutionary Marxist-Leninist Party of Argentina
Coordinator of Neighbourhood Unity – Teresa Rodriguez Movement, Argentina
Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil
Olga Benario Women’s Movement – Brazil
Class Struggle Movement – Brazil
Democratic Constituent Movement – Colombia
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Maoist Communist Party of Colombia
Communist Party of Labour – Dominican Republic
Dominican Association of Teachers
Revolutionary Popular Front – Mexico
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Peruvian Communist Party Marxist-Leninist
National Democratic Front of the Philippines
Caribbean and Latin American Coordinator of Puerto Rico
Bolshevik Communist Party (Russia)
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)
Workers’ Party of Turkey
Bolshevik Communist Party (Ukraine)
Party of Communists of the United States
February 28th Revolutionary Organization – Uruguay
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Popular Front – Ecuador
Democratic Popular Movement – Ecuador
Revolutionary Youth of Ecuador
Ecuadorian Confederation of Women for Change
Revolutionary Front of the University Left – Ecuador

Source

ICMLPO (Unity & Struggle): Statement of the 15th Meeting of the Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America

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Together with the workers and peoples of the world, we are outraged and condemn the genocide of the Israeli government and army against the Palestinian People!

Coinciding with the 20th anniversary of the Declaration of Quito, which proclaimed the birth of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, we the Marxist-Leninist communist parties of Latin America, together with the fraternal participation of the Marxist- Leninist comrades of Turkey and Spain, met to review the individual and collective work that we carried out in the last year; it is an occasion in which we also analyzed the situation in our respective countries and that of Latin America and the world in general.

During the presentations and discussions, we established that our parties have been active to different degrees and with weaknesses in development in different aspects; they have been making strenuous efforts to link up with the working class and the popular sectors, in order to promote their political positions, advance their struggles and win their consciousness; and, with a view to increasing their ranks and advancing towards becoming political forces that affect the national political life, always with the perspective of the seizure of political power.

We live in the midst of a complex situation that requires a deeper and continuous attention on our part. Although Latin America still remains an area that is the fundamental domain of United States imperialism, other imperialist powers, the European Union among them, and now China and Russia in an unusual way, through the BRICS, are embarking on the search for an important share of the natural resources and market in the area. This makes Latin America into an important area of inter-imperialist contention, which has and in the future will have some political implications that we will have to know how to deal with very intelligently.

Another element that adds complexity to the situation in Latin America is the fact that, besides the puppet governments that continue to be tied to the worn-out neo-liberal prescriptions, in several countries the politics of the system are expressed through proposals of governments that define themselves as progressive and even leftist, while still keeping a good part of our peoples under their influence.

We note that in most countries there is a growing tendency to curtail democratic rights and civil liberties; to criminalize protests and carry out judicial prosecution of revolutionary militants and trade union and popular activists in general with charges up to terrorism and rebellion against the state. This is only because they might be organizing activities for demands in favour of the popular masses or of opposition to government policies. Facts that show this trend in our continent can be seen clearly in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Chile, Paraguay, Ecuador and in most countries of Central America.

This negative trend places before us the urgent necessity to raise the struggle in defence of democratic rights and the achievement of human rights, at the same time as we strengthen international solidarity among our parties and peoples.

The overall situation demands of our parties a theoretical and propaganda work that is much broader than we have so far developed, which has been limited.

Among the many other phenomena that are presented to us is the BRICS project and its policies, stated recently with special emphasis by the governments of the countries that make it up. This could create a lot of confusion among our peoples, leading them to believe that China and Russia, and the government of Brazil, are led by leftist positions, when in fact the first two are imperialists, and the third is a bourgeois government allied to imperialism.

We are confronted with the challenge of denouncing the imperialist character, the specific interests and policies of this project, which finds an important ally in the government that call themselves left-wing, by which they deceive the popular masses and therefore discredit the real leftist positions.

Our propaganda has to promote our revolutionary and socialist ideal as the real solution to the problems of our countries, the working class and peoples and to highlight the anti-national and anti-popular character of U.S. imperialism, the European Union and BRICS.

In the presentations and discussions the elements of the policies were emphasized that in one way or another, but with the same content and purpose, are being applied in Latin America, all of which seek to contribute to a phase of expansion of capital. They are:

1. The concessions to the multinationals for the exploration and exploitation of resources, mining, oil and gas, among other things, as part of the effort of finance capital and the multinationals to find new investments, seeking to recover the average rate of profit, as well as to ensure control of sources of raw materials.

This policy of conceding territory for mining exploration and operation hides the terrible affects that they would cause and, in fact, are causing to the environment, the fresh water and the communities and populations that are located there.

2. The promotion of genetically modified crops that in agri-businesses seek a source to expand the profitability of capital and that use the false discourse of fighting hunger. This affects the productive culture of our people that is a fundamental part of their sovereignty, while it harms human health.

3. The promotion of so-called policies for economic growth for the governments in office; this is not for development, but is based on low wages, reduction in the achievements and rights of the workers and popular sectors in general and the destruction of natural resources. The so-called competitiveness on the international level of these growth policies is based on these components; therefore, they stimulate the growth of GDP but, at the same time, they maintain and increase the levels of poverty of the popular majority.

4. Adoption of laws, decrees, regulations and contracts, which under the euphemism of the “rule of law” and “governability,” ensures the possibility of making those concessions; they cover up the investments of the multinationals and capital in general.

5. Neo-developmental policies, which give the State the power to make investments in areas that are not in conflict with private capital and instead pave the way for its circulation; while, in general, they are expenses that have a high component of “public charity” to mitigate the effects of privatization of public works and to disguise the poverty, but essentially they do nothing more than maintain an electoral following.

6. Policies of internal and external debt, almost always by issuing government bonds, which finance capital and businesses buy up, aware of the fact that the countries have natural reserves that serve as guarantors, thereby affecting national sovereignty. Besides this they place more taxes on the peoples and cut social investments in the public budgets that should benefit the people through education, health care and social security, among other things. In general it can be stated that all our countries face big fiscal deficits that cause multiple repercussions.

The implementation of these policies has led to the response of our peoples. In the majority of the countries important popular struggles have developed demanding the cessation of the policies of handing over natural resources to the multinationals, as well as for the achievement of better wages and democratic rights for the majority.

Although those struggles still do not mean that there is an upsurge of the popular movement, they do show a trend that is growing. Something that is very important and that our parties should bear in mind is the fact that various social sectors take part in these, being affected in one way or another by these policies. By their diverse composition, these movements express forms, even though in the beginning stages, of popular fronts that our parties should encourage and propose to lead.

It is a reality that these policies make up expand the social bases for the opposition to the governments and political regimes and institutions that protect and support them. This is the importance of political line and tactics.

In our discussions we have kept in mind that our parties and organizations, grouped in the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, have been taking up and promoting the need to develop popular front policies that in each country will have a name and composition that the specific realities call for. We concluded that this approach is correct and calls for more work on our part.

This is a challenge to the revolutionaries: to build a powerful broad front of the masses, that strikes the official policy and interests of finance capital and the multinationals, and in this struggle it is proposed as an alternative of power.

This challenge leads us to other challenges without whose solution it is difficult, almost impossible, for us Marxist-Leninist communists to fulfill our role of fighting revolutionary vanguard of the working class and of our peoples; that is, the need to increase our ranks, to become communist parties with deep roots among the masses, capable of leading the political processes taking place up to the seizure of power. If we are not big, strong and influential and, above all, if we do not place our sights on the conquest of power, the social democratic or overtly right-wing currents will take advantage of the circumstances and gain the leadership of the peoples and of power.

Therefore we must always keep in mind the popular masses; know what their aspirations and level of consciousness are; be one with them in thought and action; sum up their aspirations and demands in a platform of struggle; bring them to the struggle, be concerned with raising their level of consciousness; and in the process help them become political leaders. This is a matter of the line of our parties, but once the policy is defined, they must become concrete, they must be converted into actions through the men and women, through the membership; this determines everything. The theoretical and political training and the political readiness of the membership to explain and promote our politics among the masses is a vital issue in order for us to fulfill this orientation by our parties.

Aware of our challenges and commitments, mainly to the working class and working people, we will continue to work with greater determination in fulfilling the orientation of the ICMLPO to contribute to the building of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations in other countries.

We take up these commitments and challenges conscious of the fact that our realities are complex and difficult for revolutionary political work, but there are also favourable conditions for it.

In that sense, we are striving to gain more clarity on the situation and, above all, to make our membership increasingly aware that we must work more, and that we can grow.

The world today, despite some initial indicators of economic recovery that signal the end of the cyclical crisis that began in 2008, also shows the reality that in many countries the external debt is high and in order to pay it the governments must use much of the public revenue; there are fiscal deficits and high levels of unemployment and underemployment persist, all of which could lead to reversing the trend towards growth.

Beyond this, and as an important element for revolutionary propaganda and agitation, the capitalist system is starkly showing its cruelty and its harmful impact on the lives and conditions of the peoples. There are millions of households without any of its members having a decent job; there are millions of young people without access to education and employment, among other problems.

The stage of getting out of this economic crisis has intensified the dispute among the monopolies and the imperialists in the world. It has unleashed the greed of financial capital in seeking to take advantage of the destruction of productive forces caused by the crisis and to gain possession of the principal strategic centres of energy, raw materials, cheap labour and consumer markets,. This is exacerbating the conflicts and confrontations, the wars of aggression and intervention against the peoples, even creating the dangers of an escalation towards a confrontation between the imperialist powers.

To this logic there correspond, among other things, the war in Ukraine and Syria, the increasing confrontations in the Africa continent, the restructuring of forces in contention in Iraq and the contradictions between China and Vietnam.

The onslaught of the Israeli government and army against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip deserves special mention; it is a genocide carried out with the approval of U.S. imperialism and the complicit silence of the European Union and the UN.

We restate our revolutionary solidarity with the heroic Palestinian people and with all the workers and peoples fighting against the aggression of the imperialist powers and against the oppression of capital.

Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Communist Party of Colombia (M-L)
Communist Party of Labour – Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Mexico (M-L)
Peruvian Communist Party (M-L)
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela
Communist Party of Spain (M-L)
Party of Labour – EMEP – Turkey

Ecuador, July 2014.

Source

ICMLPO (Unity and Struggle): Meeting of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations of Europe

The crisis of the capitalist system on the world level is getting still worse, and in Europe it is taking the form of a recession. At the same time, the rejection of the austerity policy is stronger and more massive than ever before; tens of millions of workers, men and women, are taking to the streets in all the capitals of Europe.

The austerity policy imposed everywhere, instead of “solving the crisis,” as the neo-liberal and social liberal governments would have us believe, is deepening it. This policy is increasing the recession in the countries hardest hit by the crisis and is beginning to have consequences in which some have taken advantage of the crisis of others, as is the case of German imperialism. This policy is increasing the public debt and economic inequality, promoting unequal development as well as competition among the countries of the European Union (EU).

It is a vicious circle that the workers and peoples must break if they do not wish to be sucked into a spiral that will return them to conditions of the 19th century. The fiscal pact signed by Merkel and Sarkozy has been accepted as is by almost all the EU governments. It is a pact that combines the austerity policy and increases “competitiveness,” which clearly means greater flexibility, easier layoffs and brutal and massive falls in wages, which are presented as “costs”: we say that labour is not a “cost”, it is capital that is increasingly intolerable for the workers and peoples. The leaders of the major European imperialist powers, particularly Merkel and Hollande, are trying to impose a “European government,” a real General Staff of the financial oligarchy. In this way they are trying to strengthen the economic and political power of the oligarchy and to transform the elected institutions in the states – specifically parliaments as well as regional and local institutions – into simple transmission belts for their policies.

Taking advantage of the crisis that hit Cyprus, the European leaders have opened a new stage of trying to appraise the small savers and make them pay. It is a message, a threat to the peoples: tomorrow your savings will be confiscated by capital.

All this makes clear their true goal: super-exploit the working class, eliminate the mechanisms of social protection, weaken the fighting ability of the workers, transfer an ever greater share of the wealth created to the oligarchy, to the holders of capital who live at the expense of the workers and peoples. When poverty reaches unimaginable proportions, when hunger is a scourge that plagues millions of men, women and children, the oligarchy displays its wealth and luxury and its insulting lifestyle.

Austerity Goes Hand in Hand with Authoritarianism

Capital is carrying out its violent offensive with tremendous brutality and is trampling on democratic rights. The austerity goes hand in hand with the authoritarianism of the Troika imposed on States and supervised governments, as in Greece, which are required to submit their accounts regularly to committees of “experts” led by the Troika.

The workers and trade union movement is the main target of the attacks of capital. In several countries social protest is criminalized and limits are imposed on the exercise of trade union rights. The fighting sectors of the workers and the militants who are fighting against class collaboration are excluded from the unions by the leaders who practice such collaboration.

At the same time the governments and employers are carrying out an intensive campaign to discredit the unions. The government and employers are using the crisis, the large number of unemployed, etc., to pressure workers so that they do not join the unions, although this is a fundamental right enshrined in the constitution of all EU states. The migrant workers are particularly suffering from these repressive policies; they are being harassed and attacked by fascist and racist groups. They leave their countries fleeing war and poverty, for all of which the imperialist powers are responsible, particularly in Africa, and they suffer super-exploitation and racism.

In various countries the progressive, political and trade union movements are mobilizing and fighting so that these immigrant men and women have the same rights as their class brothers and sisters.

Also in many EU countries racist and fascist groups and parties are spreading their ideas which are repeated by the large media in order to influence broad sections of the popular masses. To the traditional discourse of the xenophobic and racist extreme right there is now added a dangerous populist discourse that mixes “social” formulations with rabid nationalism. They use the discontent of the masses and the rejection of the parties applying austerity policies, both those of the right and the left.

The Crisis Is Sharpening the Contradictions between the Imperialist Powers and Imperialist Blocs

The problem of control of energy resources, raw materials, strategic areas and markets is the main cause of wars of aggression and military intervention by the imperialist powers. After Libya, its oil and its riches, now it is Mali that is suffering the policy of war. French and British imperialism were the most involved in the war in Libya, French imperialism is the one that launched the war in Mali, but both have turned to their European and EU allies for help in these reactionary actions. At the same time they are maintaining troops in Afghanistan, and other countries are in the crosshairs of the imperialist powers, particularly Syria.

U.S. imperialism and its military arm, NATO, is pressing its European allies to take charge, particularly the “European” component of NATO, and they are committed even more financially and militarily. The fight within each country to leave NATO, as well as for its outright dissolution, is completely relevant today.

The peoples of Europe have nothing to gain from the war­mongering policy that only serves the interests of the oligarchy. The people are interested in increasing their ties of solidarity with those who are suffering from plunder and domination by the European imperialist powers, particularly the peoples of Africa, in order to fight united against the system of oppression and exploitation.

Our Camp Is That of the Workers and Peoples

The aspiration for united struggles against austerity, against the dictates of the Troika, is growing. Currently, more than ever, the problem is put forward of making these struggles converge and developing solidarity across borders.

In various countries the rejection of the austerity policy coincides with opposition to the Troika, the euro and the EU. The supporters of this Europe of reaction and capital are worried by this rejection and are trying to avoid it with the reactionary positions raised by the fascist and nationalist parties and organizations, which do not question the capitalist system but divide the peoples and pit them against each other.

The reformist forces are responding to these protests with a pathetic and deceptive call for a “social Europe” that in no way corresponds to reality.

We proclaim that the people have the right to decide to leave the euro and also the EU. We also know that not all the European countries belong to the Euro zone.

Along with the progressive forces who defend this position, we state that this is a problem linked to the issue of the defence of sovereignty; we support this fight as part of the struggle against the austerity policy imposed by the EU.

We state that if a people decides and brings about its withdrawal from the Euro, we stand in solidarity with the fight that will be waged against the offensive of the oligarchy, which will do everything possible to make them pay for that decision.

In any case, we defend the slogan of refusing to pay the debt, whether in euros or in any other currency.

The breadth of the workers and popular resistance, which must be developed, puts forward the problem of the political solution that we must give to this increase in the class struggle. The working class is in the vanguard of these battles and broad sections of the working masses of the cities and countryside are joining it on the streets and in demonstrations. The problem of the unity of the working class and the unity of all sections of the people are the basis for carrying out a policy of the united front, which has already taken concrete forms in different countries.

Our parties and organizations are calling for developing this policy everywhere, with the perspective of the revolutionary transformation of society and the development of international solidarity.

Germany,
25 June 2013

Communist Party of the Workers of DENMARK (APK)
Communist Party of the Workers of FRANCE (PCOF)
Organization for the Reconstruction of a Communist Party of GERMANY (Arbeit Zukunft)
Movement for the Reorganization of the KKE (1918-1955) GREECE
Communist Platform of ITALY
Communist Party of SPAIN (M-L)
Revolutionary Communist Party of TURKEY

Source

Communist Party of Spain (M-L): Social and environmental aspects of Spanish mining in the first decade of the century

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From Unity & Struggle No. 25, Spring/Summer 2013

Spain

1. Introduction

 In the second half of the nineteenth century, and especially after the Mining Law of 1868, Spain became the leading mining power in Europe, although most of the deposits were in foreign hands. At present, mining represents 10,000 million Euros, less than 1% of GDP. 80% of the value corresponds to industrial rocks and minerals, 1% to metallic minerals and 19% to energy minerals. In industrial rocks and minerals, Spain still occupies a prominent position: leading producer of roofing slate and red clay, second largest producer of marble, celestite and gypsum, and Europe’s leading producer of granite, gypsum and sepiolite.

Spanish mining in recent years has been marked by reduction of production in coal mining and the metal mining crisis. The value of coal mining production has fallen significantly, especially since the beginning of the “Plan of Coal Mining and Alternative Development of Mining Areas 1998-2005”. While in 1998 the production of coal reached 1,117 million Euros, in 2002 had fallen to 625 million.

Graph1

The same process is observed in metal mining, with closure of establishments of copper and zinc. Among them, the Company “Asturiana Torrelavega Zinc” and Boliden, Almagrera, Rio Tinto and Tharsis companies.

However, non-metallic mining, in decorative stone and quarry mining, the value increasing has been rising steadily, especially in building materials, because of the “property boom” of the past few years. If the number of exploitations and rock quarries was 3679 in 1998, in 2002 had increased to 3713. This trend has undergone a radical break since the 2008 crisis and the paralysis of building.

There has also been a marked decrease in employment. In just two years, from 2008 to 2010, the mine workers have gone from 53,200 to 46,800. The loss of 6,400 jobs shows the decline of this productive activity.

Today, in the Spanish mining we can highlight two aspects that we consider essential. One, and in our view the most important, is the derivative of the restructuring of coal mining. The second is the impact on the nature of the opencast mining.

2. Social problems

One of the most tragic aspects of Spanish mining in recent decades has been the restructuring of the coal sector, for the social and human consequences it has generated. From the eighties of last century, and in the context of accession to the European Union, took place a process of reducing production and workers, based on a discourse that emphasized the low profitability of Spanish coal and the low productivity of our exploitations. With the technocratic language that use all those for whom the economic balances are priority before people, successive governments of the PSOE and the PP have insisted on the impossibility of sustaining public mining due to the high cost for the state. The result of this policy has been disastrous from the point of view of employment.

HUNOSA, the largest company of mining public sector, established in 1967, has been experiencing a systematic loss of employment, with the sharpest decline in 1991-1995 and 1996-2004.

Graph2

The “program contracts” applied in the decade 1980-1990 and successive Mining Plans (1998-2005 and 2006-2012), with reduction of public funding and workforce adjustments have led to the Asturian and Leonese miner valleys towards a social disaster. The destruction of the mining industry could not be replaced by other economic activities. The early retirements and mass layoffs have left no future for thousands of families.

While public money has flowed abundantly to help banks, to finance infrastructures clearly deficient and sportive projects, mining has been stigmatized as a source of loss for the State. Although unions have submitted projects that show the feasibility of mining, it is clear that the destruction of mining, and the dismantling of other industries, responding to political strategies directly related to the price that Spain had to pay for joining European Union.

This aggression against workers caused a growing class struggle in the region, with general strikes in the Asturian exploitations in 1991 and 1992. The miners showed, once again, be the leading detachment of the Spanish working class and with their actions forced governments to negotiate, delaying their closure plans for exploitations, but failed to halt the process. Is also need to specify the role of the main trade unions, which in many cases have bowed to government decisions and have agreed outside workers (1).

The consequences of mine closure have been devastating in many Asturian shires: population loss due to migration for seeking employment, aging, increased school failure, psychological problems caused by unemployment, etc. In 2006 was published in the “Spanish Journal of Counseling and Educational Psychology” an article entitled Analysis of the educational, guidance and social needs of the mining valleys of Asturias, written by Marisa Pereira González and  Julián  Pascual Díez, professors of the Faculty of Educational Sciences of the University of Oviedo. In this study, using extensive written documentation, as well as surveys and interviews with teachers, social workers and youth, presented a bleak picture characterized by high unemployment, lack of vocational training of young people, emigration due to the lack of job prospects, high alcohol consumption and demotivation of students in schools, that is, a large casuistry motivated by mining restructuration.

The mine in Asturias was not only a source of employment, but also a way of life, culture and community social relations system that has been virtually destroyed by a neoliberal policy that leads to catastrophe.

In this catastrophe not all are losers. There are private entrepreneurs who have profited from public support to mining committing all kinds of fraud and corruption. In December 2001, were arrested several executives of the mining company’s La Camocha SA, including the largest shareholder, accused of fraud to the Treasury.

The modus operandi was to import thermal coal at international prices (between 4,000 and 6,000 pesetas per ton – 24 to 36 euros) from South Africa, Australia and Ukraine, which was landed in ports of Gijón and Avilés in Asturias. The importation was made ​​from intermediary companies that received money from La Camocha by different issues to coal supply, such as the payment of rental equipment, business services, etc.. Coal was transported by truck from the port area to the land of La Camocha, which was mixed with coal mined, the cost was 18,000 to 20,000 pesetas per ton (108-132 euros). In this way the company sold more coal and received the price paid by power plants, which was equal to the international price, and state subsidies for domestic coal expected to cover the difference between the actual cost of production and the selling price. As the price of imported coal was four times lower than the Spaniard coal, the company obtained through state subsidy a massive benefit from public funds.

Mining has another dramatic aspect, which are the accidents. Although a wide number of rules related to make mining safety, the reality is that the infringement from many employers causes fatal accidents every year. In 2011, four coal miners died in accidents and 7 more in other extractive industries. A tragic balance that could be avoided if the work inspection was more demanding and penalties for breaching the rules of safety and labor hygiene was much more severe.

3. The miners’ strike of June-July 2012

While writing this report for the XVI International Conference “Problems of the Revolution in Latin America”, the Popular Party’s government announced a 63% cut in subsidies for coal mining, which can lead to the dismissal of 13,000 workers and the closure of almost all coal mining. The Asturian miners have responded with large demonstrations and an indefinite strike.

 The struggle of the Spanish miners has been really impressive. A long strike that has been marked by brutal police interventions, and a 22-day march that finished with the arrival to Madrid of the miners columns. Throughout the journey the solidarity have been continuous and the welcome  of the people of Madrid exceeded all expectations. Hundreds of thousands of people filled the streets to accompany these men and women whose struggle is the struggle of the entire working class. The Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) drafted a notice that we reproduce in full due to its importance:

The cause of the miners represents the people’s struggle

During the month of struggle that take place, the miners have won widespread support from the rest of the working class and the people, despite of the intense manipulation in the media which  couldn’t diminish or obscure their bravery.

As successive operations of the last thirty years, coal mining is a victim of a government sold to the interests of the oligarchy and submissive to the orders of international capital, embodied by the European Commission and leaders like Angela Merkel. Today as yesterday, social and strategic considerations are erased at a stroke under pressure to achieve “fiscal consolidation” in the form of brutal cuts in many areas. Not all, of course, because this policy is not dictated by technical reasons, as argued by party leaders of PP (and PSOE), but by class interests.

Thus, reduction of direct support to the exploitation of coal mines in 190 million could mean the loss of 30,000 jobs in the affected areas. However, the Government has no problem in assume Bankia rescue at a cost so far of 25,000 million. We can also compare the cut in mining funds to the rescue of the motorway companies, is itself a wasteful and unproductive activity, entailing 280 million. Of course behind these companies are giants of building business such as Sacyr, Acciona and ACS as well as various financial institutions also ruinous, as CCM or Caja Madrid.

To this we can add the noisy opposition that the big energy companies have against coal support policies that force them to use the Spanish coal in thermal power plants, increasing their costs; one more argument  for the fallacious version of  “tariff deficit ” that keep these corporations.

From its side, mining companies crouch behind the brave workers, whose efforts hope to benefit and use to pressure the government for their own interests, but not vacillating to sacrifice them if some difficulty appears, as it did in 2010 to avoid paying wages for months. The mining bosses have been benefiting from protectionist policies for more than a century, and only now, when other factions of the bourgeoisie imposed its own program stronger, the mining bosses claim the time required to implement measures to make enable surviving in the global market.

Meanwhile, the regime politicians have been unable to implement sustainable alternatives to coal and wealth creation, as well as they have squandered the mining funds on things of questionable social value, but very suitable for electioneering purposes.

In short, we face again a policy designed for the exclusive benefit of the financial oligarchs and owners of large energy and construction corporations, effectively represented by PP and PSOE, with its institutional control of springs, and thanks to their absolute lack of social control and opacity in economic decisions. Are these monarchical governments which have privatized the key sectors and which have created the conditions for the brutal accumulation of benefits that has allowed these companies to expand across the world, at the cost of millions of Spanish unemployed workers and the downfall of entire shires .

Against this, the miners symbolize the values ​​of working class: unity, cooperation, hard work and determination to defend the collective rights. Despite bourgeois propaganda, still lives the footprint of the large mining struggles, which always, in one way or another, have synthesized the aspirations of an entire people: from the revolution of Asturias in 1934 to the resistance against the closures in the 80’s, through the 1962 strike.

The great value that is taking the fight of the miners, even beyond the decision with miners are defending their rights and the future of their land, is the showing of which character must take the people’s struggle: a whole people united in this struggle, realizing that the miners are not only defending their work, but also the future of entire regions, recognized with its full solidarity. The literally general strike of  coalfields, marks the way forward. Also achieved international solidarity of the British, Chilean, Australian, American miners … which recalls the need for unite efforts to great scale, for the moment, European unity if we want to face the policy of aggression and cuts with guarantees of success.

During this month and a half of hard struggle, the people of the mining shires have returned to materialize all these values, providing valuable lessons to the entire labor and popular movement. For that symbolic value and for reflect one of the most important strongholds of labor organization and labor force, the repressive forces have endeavored to remember,  scenes of Asturias in 1934, occupying miner villages and with indiscriminate attacks, including children and the elderly. The attack to Ciñera by the Guardia Civil (a special Spanish police, linked to the army), in particular, has abstracted the special brutality with which the bourgeois State tries to silence dignity samples, solidarity and determination of the working class, that is not daunted to gases, phone tapping nor police aggression.

Logically the miners’ struggle alone cannot end the succession of attacks by the oligarchy. On the one hand, certainly demonstrates the power of organized labor and the need for organization, but the truth is that the development of capitalism in Europe has not only reduced the numerical importance of the miners, but, with dispersion of production units , has leaded to the situation in which these features characterize only very specific segments of our class. Therefore it is necessary, above all, provide with political objectives this struggle that today is seen as a stimulus by millions of workers and that for its resonance, could be an incentive for general mobilization. The miners have reported that members of the Asturian PP (and not only them) are mercenaries, that the deputies of Leon only care about their paycheck. But now they must go a step further and assume the need to break with the regime responsible of all this, as the guarantor of the interests of a minority against the working class and the whole people. With that aim and to make its determination and courage serve to unify and strengthen the rest of the popular struggles around the same purposes, the fight of miners could be very important, perhaps decisive, for the development of this battle against the oligarchs.

Communists advocate the maintenance of coal mining as a strategic sector, especially as the erratic energy policy of monarchical governments is unable to articulate a powerful industry based on renewable energy and industry needed to do so. Both strategic considerations, social need and economic efficiency, it is necessary that the energy sector pass into State hands, so it is possible to ensure rational planning of the needs of our economy and heed social and territorial demands of mining areas, eliminating the constraints imposed by the private benefit.

However, this is not possible in the current political context. A regime that has spent decades promoting the interests of multinationals and banks will not be the one to improve the situation of workers in this country. The miners’ struggle reminds us of the value of the collective and of the unity of the popular sectors to advance. Now we have to extend this unit among the rest of the fights, and give them the common aim of overthrowing this outdated and corrupt regime to build our future with new tools, so that we can achieve higher levels of prosperity and welfare.

For the future of employment and the mining valleys!

For a popular block to stop the attacks!

Down with the capitalist monarchy, liar and corrupt!

The outcome of this struggle is not yet decided. The government is maintaining its position and the miners returned to work temporarily to accumulate forces and think new strategies to fight. But what has become clear is that mining workers have been again the vanguard of the Spanish working class.

4. The environmental impact of opencast mining

Opencast mining is an economic activity with high environmental, social and cultural impact, while unsustainable exploitation because the resource tend to exhaustion. This type of mining removes the top layer of the earth to make accessible the extensive mineral deposits. Modern types of excavators, conveyors and large machinery in general allow to remove vast tracts of land, in some cases the exploitation is 150 hectares of extension and 500 meters deep.

During the extraction phase, opencast mining (Opmin) devastates the surface, modify the morphology of the terrain, destroys cultivation areas, can alter watercourses and form lakes with waste materials. Also produces air pollution from chemicals used in the mining process: cyanide, mercury, sulfur dioxide, etc.., And heavy pollution of surface water, affected by solid residues from areas of extraction. Similarly are affected the groundwater by the filtration to water tables of these same residues.

<> In Spain, a clear and devastating example of these effects we observe in the mining of the Iberian Pyrite Strip, located in the province of Huelva, in particular in the area of ​​Riotinto, whose mines were exploited intensively by a British company between 1873 and 1954.

The Riotinto copper opencast mining by digging deep layers caused the generation of colossal amounts of waste materials stacked in large dumps, and the construction of numerous pools and dams to store residues from copper hydrometallurgical process . The depletion of deposits required to exploit new areas, resulting to a drastic geographical alteration and causing a barren landscape with almost absolute predominance of anthropogenic and abiotic elements.

Abandoned mines also have a wide range of potential sources of acidic water whose origin is in the settling and leaching pools to store mining residues. The reddish color of the rivers Tinto and Odiel is directly related to mining and metallurgical activities that took place throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The danger of this type of mining was evident in the accident which took place on April 25, 1998 for the breaking of the containment barrier of a settling pool in Aznalcóllar pyrite mine, owned by the Swedish company Boliden. The spill was 4.5 cubic hectometres of water and sludge that spilled over the banks of the rivers Agrio and Guadiamar along 40 kilometers, affecting 4,402 acres, reaching the outer zones of Doñana National Park. The water had a high concentration of heavy metals, which involved the destruction of crops, fauna and flora, with agricultural losses of 11 million euros.

The most shocking of this was the legal impunity. The Andalusian Government (the regional government) demanded to the company the payment of cleanup costs , estimated at 89.9 million euros, but the courts, in different instances, have argued against the thesis of the Andalusian Government, and the Swedish company, guilty of a huge environmental disaster, has not paid any compensation, with the aggravating circumstance that the company received public support from the Andalusian Government. Spain is a paradise for the big offenders.

Another ecological disaster due to Opmin is found in Laciana, a shire of León in the valley of Ancares, bordered on the north by the Somiedo Natural Park, Asturias, on the west by mountains of Bahia and on the south by the Bierzo valley. It is a valley of great biodiversity with protected species inhabiting like the brown bear and the grouse, endangered species. The area is included within the NATURA 2000 NETWORK, it is a SITE OF COMMUNITY INTEREST, AREA OF ​​SPECIAL PROTECTION FOR BIRDS  and an UNESCO BIOSPHERE RESERVE.

For more than 100 years it is a mining valley where coal was mined in underground galleries, but since the 90s of last century was exploited with opencast mines. The company “Coto Minero del Cantábrico” has destroyed entire mountains, polluting with heavy metals several aquifers and the river Sil. The tailings have destroyed large areas of forest. Moreover, these exploitations create very little employment since the use of industrial machinery generates only 60 jobs per exploitation. Despite operating illegally in protected areas, the company owned by Victorino Alonso, has received substantial aid and grants amounted to 130 million euros annually.

The struggle for the defense of the mountains of Laciana began in 1985. After twenty seven years of protests, the 18 January 2012 the Courts of León declared illegal coal mining in this area, agreeing with environmental groups who filed complaints. In 2011 the European International Court of Justice sanctioned the Spanish State for authorizing the “Nueva Julia” mine and other opencast mining operations of “Coto Minero del Cantábrico” company, but the  Regional Government ignored the judicial resolution. Following the judgment of the court, opponents and activists from Laciana have received threats and suffered multiple attacks.

5. Clean and renewable energies in Spain

Accelerated climate change and the horizon of the medium-term shortage of fossil fuels becomes an unavoidable necessity the use of renewable energies, whose availability is unlimited in time. However, the strong interests of oil multinationals try by all means to delay or prevent the use of alternative energies, spreading, in collusion with many governments, the message that these energy sources are expensive and can never supply the needs of a growing population.

The reality is that renewable energy generates 55 times less environmental impact than conventional energy, produces clean energy compared with that from oil and nuclear, has no negative impact on health and its impact in case of accident are minimal in relation to the dire consequences of an accident at a nuclear plant or a sinking oil ship. And it is a certainty that fossil fuels are finite, while renewable are endless. What will happen when these fuels are depleted? Simply that the global military conflicts will proliferate.

Renewable energies are currently underutilized. According to the Intergovernmental Panel of Climate Change, we only use 2.5 percent of renewable resources available. Numerous technical and scientific reports show that it is possible to obtain an energy future supplied with 100% renewable energy.

In Spain the use of renewable energy has been low, but since the late twentieth century has seen strong drive, which has allowed in 2010 35% of electricity production comes from these renewable sources, although in all primary energy provides only 9.4% of total. Highlights the importance of wind energy, which in 2010 accounted 16.5% of electricity demand, which puts Spain in third worldwide place in terms of installed capacity. As shown in the following tables, about installed capacity, electricity production and consumption of renewable energy have seen a significant increase between 1990 and 2010.

Renewable energies contribute to the Spanish economy for 0.67% of GDP and employs about 200,000 people. Its importance from the economic and social viewpoint is undeniable:

  • Work to increase national wealth.
  • Reduce dependence on foreign fossil fuels and in 2020 would allow a saving of 13,551 million euros.
  • In 2020 would achieve not generate 67.3 million tons of Carbon Dioxide.
  • The evolution of its costs trends lower.
  • The technological improvement will allow in the near future to be more profitable than conventional energy.
  • They help to create highly qualified jobs.
  • Are autochthonous, which ensures the supply and avoid international dependence.
  • They are clean energy that do not degrade the environment.

In September 2011, Greenpeace produced a voluminous study entitled Energy 3.0. An energy report based on intelligence, efficiency and renewable 100, which shows that it is entirely feasible for 2050 have an energy system that ensures 100% of consumption on the basis of renewable energy and that would also be cheaper than the current one, would save 55% of energy consumption compared to 2007 and reduce emissions to 0. The cost savings of this model would be 200,000 million.

The report provides a detailed analysis of energy demand in all sectors (construction, transport, industry, agriculture and utilities) projecting its evolution until 2050 under two scenarios: continuity and efficiency. And concludes that there is no economic or technical barriers to replace the current energy model to one based entirely on renewable energy.

What do exist are political obstacles and powerful economic interests. The Renewable Energy Plan 2011-2020, prepared by the Ministry of Industry, Energy and Tourism, expected to provide 22.7% in renewable energy of gross final energy consumption in Spain in 2020, while its contribution to electric energy production will be 42.3%. However current policy of Popular Party’s government are in the opposite direction. Opting for nuclear energy and suppresses renewable energies subsidies. A policy that is consistent with the interests of large electricity companies and punishes citizens with strong increases in electricity tariff.

The cuts in “Research & Development & Innovation” also hurt renewable energies because its development is linked directly to technological research. The storage and generation  of wind, solar, photovoltaic, tidal, geothermal or biomass power is only possible with advanced technology. Renewable energy and the scientific and technical development are linked, complementing, contributing to economic growth and Spanish scientific advancement. Promoting clean energies is also promoting the Spanish science and technology. Cuts in this field will be a catastrophe for both sectors.        

….

Spanish mining is not condemned to extinction. The crisis in this sector is part of the global crisis of capitalism and neoliberal policies on Spanish society. There is future for the Asturian and the rest of the country miners, but not in the current political and economic framework. It is necessary to articulate a new model of production and labor relations that having as axis State intervention in economic life and national wealth put at the service of citizens; to intensify the use of renewable energies based on increasing investment in education and scientific research. However, this production model may be launched only after overcoming the present monarchy and the proclamation of the Third Republic.

6. Bibliography

ALGUACIL, I.; GRANADO, M. y VÁZQUEZ, C.: Una aproximación al Patrimonio Minero de Huelva.  Consejería de Innovación, Ciencia y Empresa.Junta de Andalucía, 2007.

COMISIÓN NACIONAL DE ENERGÍA: Desarrollo normativo de la Ley del Sector Eléctrico.  Madrid, 2003. Vol. 6.

COMISIONES OBRERA. FEDERACIÓN MINEROMETALÚRGICA: La minería en España (I). Madrid, CCOO, 2005.

CORTINA GARCÍA, J.: La planificación energética de España, en “Economía Industrial” (1995),  nº302,  págs. 45-70.

FERRERO, M.D.: Un modelo de minería contemporánea. Huelva, del colonialismo a la mundialización. Universidad de Huelva, 2000.

GARCÍA GARCÍA,  José Luis; LÓPEZ COIRA, Miguel Mª; DEVILLARD, María José; ESCALERA REYES, Javier; GARCÍA MUÑOZ, Adelina y HERRERO PÉREZ, Nieves: Los últimos mineros. Un estudio antropológico sobre la minería en España. Madrid, CSIC, 2002.

LÓPEZ MORELL, Miguel Ángel y PÉREZ DE PERCEVAL, Miguel: Minería y desarrollo económico en España. Madrid, Síntesis, 2007.

MARÍN QUEMADA, J. M.: Políticas de energía. Política económica de España. Madrid, Alianza editorial, 2000.

MENÉNEDEZ PÉREZ, E.: Las energías renovables. Un enfoque político-ecológico. Madrid, Los Libros de la Catarata, 1997.

PINEDA, M. y  CATIELLO, P. (editores) : Energía de biomasa: realidades y perspectivas. Córdoba, Universidad de Córdoba, 1998. 

PINEDO VARA, I.: Piritas de Huelva. Su historia, minería y aprovechamiento. Madrid, Summa, 1963.

Source

Communiqué of the Meeting of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations of Europe

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June 25, 2013 by PCE (m-l)
Published in: Comunicados

The crisis of the capitalist system on the world level is getting still worse, and in Europe it is taking the form of a recession. At the same time, the rejection of the austerity policy is stronger and more massive than ever before; tens of millions of workers, men and women, are taking to the streets in all the capitals of Europe.

The austerity policy imposed everywhere, instead of “solving the crisis,” as the neoliberal and social liberal governments would have us believe, is deepening it. This policy is increasing the recession in the countries hardest hit by the crisis and is beginning to have consequences in which some have taken advantage of the crisis of others, as is the case of German imperialism. This policy is increasing the public debt and economic inequality, promoting unequal development as well as competition among the countries of the European Union (EU).

It is a vicious circle that the workers and peoples must break if they do not wish to be sucked into a spiral that will return them to conditions of the 19th century. The fiscal pact signed by Merkel and Sarkozy has been accepted as is by almost all the EU governments. It is a pact that combines the austerity policy and increases “competitiveness,” which clearly means greater flexibility, easier layoffs and brutal and massive falls in wages, which are presented as “costs”: we say that labor is not a “cost”, it is capital that is increasingly intolerable for the workers and peoples. The leaders of the major European imperialist powers, particularly Merkel and Hollande, are trying to impose a “European government,” a real General Staff of the financial oligarchy. In this way they are trying to strengthen the economic and political power of the oligarchy and to transform the elected institutions in the states – specifically parliaments as well as regional and local institutions – into simple transmission belts for their policies.

Taking advantage of the crisis that hit Cyprus, the European leaders have opened a new stage of trying to appraise the small savers and make them pay. It is a message, a threat to the peoples: tomorrow your savings will be confiscated by capital.

All this makes clear their true goal: super-exploit the working class, eliminate the mechanisms of social protection, weaken the fighting ability of the workers, transfer an ever greater share of the wealth created to the oligarchy, to the holders of capital who live at the expense of the workers and peoples. When poverty reaches unimaginable proportions, when hunger is a scourge that plagues millions of men, women and children, the oligarchy displays its wealth and luxury and its insulting lifestyle.

Austerity Goes Hand in Hand with Authoritarianism

Capital is carrying out its violent offensive with tremendous brutality and is trampling on democratic rights. The austerity goes hand in hand with the authoritarianism of the Troika  imposed on States and supervised governments, as in Greece, which are required to submit their accounts regularly to committees of “experts” led by the Troika.

 The workers and trade union movement is the main target of the attacks of capital. In several countries social protest is criminalized and limits are imposed on the exercise of trade union rights. The fighting sectors of the workers and the militants who are fighting against class collaboration are excluded from the unions by the leaders who practice such collaboration.

At the same time the governments and employers are carrying out an intensive campaign to discredit the unions. The government and employers are using the crisis, the large number of unemployed, etc., to pressure workers so that they do not join the unions, although this is a fundamental right enshrined in the constitution of all EU states. The migrant workers are particularly suffering from these repressive policies; they are being harassed and attacked by fascist and racist groups. They leave their countries fleeing war and poverty, for all of which the imperialist powers are responsible, particularly in Africa, and they suffer super-exploitation and racism.

In various countries the progressive, political and trade union movements are mobilizing and fighting so that these immigrant men and women have the same rights as their class brothers and sisters.

Also in many EU countries racist and fascist groups and parties are spreading their ideas which are repeated by the large media in order to influence broad sections of the popular masses. To the traditional discourse of the xenophobic and racist extreme right there is now added a dangerous populist discourse that mixes “social” formulations with rabid nationalism. They use the discontent of the masses and the rejection of the parties applying austerity policies, both those of the right and the left.

The Crisis Is Sharpening the Contradictions between the Imperialist Powers and Imperialist Blocs

The problem of control of energy resources, raw materials, strategic areas and markets is the main cause of wars of aggression and military intervention by the imperialist powers. After Libya, its oil and its riches, now it is Mali that is suffering the policy of war. French and British imperialism were the most involved in the war in Libya, French imperialism is the one that launched the war in Mali, but both have turned to their European and EU allies for help in these reactionary actions. At the same time they are maintaining troops in Afghanistan, and other countries are in the crosshairs of the imperialist powers, particularly Syria.

U.S. imperialism and its military arm, NATO, is pressing its European allies to take charge, particularly the “European” component of NATO, and they are committed even more financially and militarily. The fight within each country to leave NATO, as well as for its outright dissolution, is completely relevant today.

The peoples of Europe have nothing to gain from the war-mongering policy that only serves the interests of the oligarchy. The people are interested in increasing their ties of solidarity with those who are suffering from plunder and domination by the European imperialist powers, particularly the peoples of Africa, in order to fight united against the system of oppression and exploitation.

Our Camp Is That of the Workers and Peoples

The aspiration for united struggles against austerity, against the dictates of the Troika, is growing. Currently, more than ever, the problem is put forward of making these struggles converge and developing solidarity across borders.

In various countries the rejection of the austerity policy coincides with opposition to the Troika, the euro and the EU. The supporters of this Europe of reaction and capital are worried by this rejection and are trying to avoid it with the reactionary positions raised by the fascist and nationalist parties and organizations, which do not question the capitalist system but divide the peoples and pit them against each other.

The reformist forces are responding to these protests with a pathetic and deceptive call for a “social Europe” that in no way corresponds to reality.

We proclaim that the people have the right to decide to leave the euro and also the EU. We also know that not all the European countries belong to the Euro zone.

Along with the progressive forces who defend this position, we state that this is a problem linked to the issue of the defense of sovereignty; we support this fight as part of the struggle against the austerity policy imposed by the EU.

We state that if a people decides and brings about its withdrawal from the Euro, we stand in solidarity with the fight that will be waged against the offensive of the oligarchy, which will do everything possible to make them pay for that decision.

In any case, we defend the slogan of refusing to pay the debt, whether in euros or in any other currency.

The breadth of the workers and popular resistance, which must be developed, puts forward the problem of the political solution that we must give to this increase in the class struggle. The working class is in the vanguard of these battles and broad sections of the working masses of the cities and countryside are joining it on the streets and in demonstrations. The problem of the unity of the working class and the unity of all sections of the people are the basis for carrying out a policy of the united front, which has already taken concrete forms in different countries.

Our parties and organizations are calling for developing this policy everywhere, with the perspective of the revolutionary transformation of society and the development of international solidarity.

Germany, June 2013

Communist Party of the Workers of DENMARK (APK)
Communist Party of the Workers of FRANCE (PCOF)
Organization for the Reconstruction of a Communist Party of GERMANY (Arbeit zukunft)
Movement for the Reorganization of the KKE (1918-1955) GREECE
Communist Platform of ITALY
Communist Party of SPAIN (M-L)
Revolutionary Communist Party of TURKEY

Source

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations: Message of Solidarity with Mery Zamora

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The Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations of Europe express our solidarity with Mery Zamora, National Assistant Director of the MPD of Ecuador and former president of the National Union of Teachers, sentenced to eight years in prison for “sabotage and terrorism.”

The trial concluded at the request of the government of Mr. Correa has been a real sham trial, without warranty respecting constitutional or human rights.

No evidence justifies this brutal sentence. Mr. Correa’s government needs to beat the fighters of the left who reclaim claiming social measures in favor of the people, and are not afraid to denounce the arbitrariness of the Ecuadorian government; needs to silence critical voices.

We express our solidarity with Mery Zamora and all the fighters of the people, the indigenous, communist revolutionaries and political prisoners in Ecuador. They are not terrorists, they are fighters for the liberty and dignity of the people.

As Mery Zamora said: “Correa seeks to break me, to frighten me, but does not know that women of the left, honest and with a firm conviction, we do not sell, do not give up …”

Solidarity with Mery Zamora! We demand her immediate release!

Germany, June 16, 2013

Organization for the Construction of the Communist Workers Party of Germany / Arbeit Zukunft

Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark (APK)

Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)

Communist Party of the Workers of France (PCOF)

Communist Platform of Italy

Movement for the Reorganisation of KKE (1918-1955), Greece

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)

Source

Mery_Zamora1

Declaration of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations

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With African hospitality, together with the workers and people of Tunisia, we Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations of the ICMLPO have taken up the debate on the international situation, the policies of imperialism, reaction and the employers; the development of the struggle of the workers and peoples; as well as the problems and perspectives of the struggle of our parties.

We confirm the existence of a deep crisis of the capitalist-imperialist system, which is developing in an unequal manner in different countries, affecting particularly, in a negative way, the working class, youth and peoples.

In spite of the neoliberal measures to ‘get out of the crisis,’ pushed by the monopolies and the ruling classes, that are trying to make us think that in this way we will definitively overcome it, reality is stubborn, the effects of the crisis continue.

U.S. imperialism is intensifying its wars of aggression, maintaining its imperialist troops in Afghanistan and Iraq. They are continuing their ferocious attack against the Libyan people, the threats against Iran and other peoples in order to take control of their wealth and occupy strategic positions. They openly support the military occupation by the Zionists in Palestine. The imperialists of the European Union, despite their own specific interests, fundamentally act as allies of the United States in their confrontation with Russia and China.

The attempts of U.S. imperialism and the European Union to control Syria threaten to lead to a direct military aggression in the name of NATO. Such a situation could fan the flames of a regional war, which could even lead to a new general conflagration.

We Marxist-Leninists decisively reject the imperialist intervention, we uphold the defence of the principles of self-determination of the peoples. The problems of Syria must be resolved by the workers and peoples of that country.

As all the contradictions sharpen, inevitably the interests of the imperialist powers clash, some to preserve their zones of influence, others that look for their place in a new redivision of the world; the Western imperialist powers try to maintain their rule unharmed and their areas of control, while on the other hand the emerging imperialist powers try a to occupy a place of greater leadership and territorial control in the world. This confrontation among the imperialist countries progressively leads to clashes, sometimes diplomatic ones, other times violent ones, but they always take the form of aggression and plunder of the dependent countries and greater exploitation of the working class.

China is becoming the greatest exporter of capital to the dependent countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America in search of raw materials and the extension of its markets, as well as an aggressive competitor in the market and investments in the U.S. itself and in the imperialist countries of Europe. Russia is strengthening its economy, its capacity and energy resources, as well as its military power, playing an aggressive role in the new redivision of the world. The positions of Russia and China in the Security Council opposing the military intervention in Syria have nothing to do with the national sovereignty and the rights of the Syrian people; they correspond to their own interests in contending for hegemony with the Western imperialist countries.

The working class and people show themselves in mobilisations, work stoppages and the general strike, mainly in Spain, Greece and Portugal among others, in defence of their rights and in opposition to the measures of capital that seek to place the weight of the crisis on their backs.

In North Africa and the Middle East the revolts of the peoples against tyranny, in defence of freedom and democracy, are continuing. The revolutionary processes opened up by the workers and peoples in Egypt and particularly in Tunisia continue to raise the perspective of a change from the regime of oppression and for their definitive liberation.

In Latin America the struggle of the peoples and the workers in opposition to the looting by the international mining monopolies and in defence of national sovereignty and the environment and nature are mobilising hundreds of thousands of people.

The fights of the workers, youth and peoples against the effects of the crisis, condemning capitalist imperialist rule, take place at different levels, in all the countries and regions. These struggles affirm the confidence of the working class on the path of struggle, they clarify the nature of capital and reaction, they unmask the positions of social democracy and opportunism, and, at the same time they show their limitations and weaknesses to stop the offensive of imperialism and reaction, of the employers and the governments at their service. It is up to us proletarian revolutionaries to give an ideological, political and organisational response. We take up our responsibility to involve ourselves in the organisation and fight of the working class, youth and peoples, to find the communist initiative and courage to lead those mobilisations consistently and above all, to show them the certain course of the revolution and socialism.

The strengthening of our parties, the affirmation of their links with the masses, the task of placing our programme in the street, within the reach of the fighting masses, putting ourselves at the head of the struggles, promoting and strengthening the Popular Front are the general orientations that arise from this Conference. The contribution of each party has been enriching and shows that Marxism-Leninism is being strengthened in the world, all of which places an extraordinary responsibility in our hands, to which we will know how to respond decisively.

The sharpening of the general crisis of capitalism, the imperialist aggression and the danger of a new general war, the accelerated development of the productive forces created by the scientific technical revolution, the development of the struggles of the workers, youth and peoples, raise new challenges for our parties and organisations; we must find in the course of the class combats new forms of organisation and struggle.

The liberation of the workers and peoples must be the work of the workers and peoples themselves and the unwavering responsibility of our parties and organizations.

YES it is possible to change this world

Marxism-Leninism is our guide

ICMLPO

Communist Party of Benin 
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Communist Party of the Workers of Denmark
Communist Party of Labour of the Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of the Workers of France
Organisation for the Construction of the Communist Party of Germany
Communist Platform of Italy
Revolutionary Communist Party of the Ivory Coast
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Annahji Dimocrati (Democratic Road of Morocco)
Organization Revolution of Norway
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)
Party of the Workers of Tunisia
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela
Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta

From En Marcha
Central Organ of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
#1601, November 23 to 29, 2012

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations: Resolution on the Situation in Syria

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The plenary of the ICMLPO, held for the first time in Africa, reaffirms its support for the right of the Syrian people to live under a democratic regime: a regime that guarantees freedom, equality, social justice and dignity, as well as assures the unity and total independence of the country, including the recovery of the Golan Heights occupied by Zionism since 1967.

The ICMLPO:

1. Denounces the dangerous development of events in Syria. The popular movement of protest has been transformed into a destructive civil war. The bloodthirsty repression is striking the people, and since the beginning, the Assad regime has rejected any democratic reform that would satisfy the aspirations of the Syrian people. This situation is the consequence of the foreign reactionary, imperialist and Zionist intervention, through Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which masked by the so-called “Free Syrian Army” and under the pretext of “saving the Syria people”

2. We reaffirm that this war has nothing to do with the interests of the Syrian people and their aspirations. On the contrary, it serves the reactionary forces of the country, the region and internationally. Syria is at the moment the place of confrontation between, on the one side the U.S., France and Israel and Arab and Turkish reaction that are trying to subject Syria to Western rule and make it break its ties with Iran and Hezbollah. On the other side, Russia and China are supporting the regime to preserve their strategic interests in Syria and the region, after having lost their influence in Libya.

3. We reject all intervention by NATO in Syria under any pretext, given the dangers that this represents for the Syrian people, the peoples of the region and world peace in general. The Conference calls on the Turkish people to oppose Turkey’s intervention in Syria. It sends a call to the workers and peoples of the Western countries, in the first place of the United States, Great Britain and France, whose leaders are threatening military intervention in Syria, to pressure their governments to stop them from carrying out their criminal strategy that caused disasters in Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Libya, etc. in the past

4. It is up to the Syrian people, in all cases, to determine their own future. The ICMLPO calls on the Syrian patriotic and democratic forces to unite to save their country from the claws of the Assad regime and the armed gangs and to prevent the foreign powers from mortgaging their future and making use of a part of their minorities to undermine their unity. The ICMLPO calls on those forces to strive to build a new, democratic, secular, independent and united Syria in which the different religions and nationalities live together in freedom and equality.

5. Calls on the patriotic, democratic and progressive forces of the region to urgently mobilize and to undertake the necessary measures of solidarity to support the patriotic and democratic forces of Syria, forces that must act to end the slaughters perpetrated against the Syrian people, to stop the destruction of the country and prevent the foreign intervention, to facilitate dialogue among its inhabitants to achieve their aspirations and break with the tyranny and foreign domination.

Organisation pour la construction d’un parti communiste ouvrier d’Allemagne

Parti Communiste des Ouvriers du Danemark – APK

Parti Communiste d’Espagne (marxiste – léniniste) – PCE(ml)

Plateforme Communiste d’Italie

Parti Communiste des Ouvriers de France – PCOF

Organisation Marxiste Léniniste Révolution de Norvège – Revolusjon !

Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire de Turquie – TDKP

Parti des Travailleurs de Tunisie – PT

Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire de Côte d’Ivoire – PCRCI

Source

With the Workers and the Peoples in the Independent Struggle for the Revolution and Socialism

16th Seminar on the International Problems of the Revolution in Latin America

Final Statement

In Latin America the new millennium arrived with the struggle of the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples against the structural adjustment policies implemented by governments at the service of powerful local oligarchic groups and imperialist finance capital. The increasing social discontent, manifested in street mobilisations, partial and general strikes and even popular uprisings that put an end to reactionary and pro-imperialist governments, split the bourgeois institutions and accelerated the wearing out of the current model of capitalist accumulation, monitored by the centres of imperialist domination.

The fear grew among the socio-economic elites that the yearning for change and the desire to be protagonists of deep transformations was taking shape among the people. The progressive and left-wing political programmes, once seen as being obsolete and inapplicable, were embraced by the working and popular classes.

While in various countries of Latin America there are still openly right-wing governments explicitly sold out to imperialism, in others countries so-called alternative and progressive governments have emerged; in some of these, on certain occasions there have been actions of resistance towards policies of imperialism, which deserve the support of the peoples.

Recurring to their own political experience, bourgeois factions of various countries have manoeuvred to take advantage of the discontent of the masses for their own interests. They appear to make their own the programmes and proposals raised for years by the popular movement and the left-wing organisations against neo-liberalism and to achieve a sovereign development, under conditions of social fairness.

Nevertheless, the expectations and enthusiasm of the masses with those governments that promised to leave behind the past of disgrace and backwardness clash with reality when these governments carry out their real political programme and give away the natural wealth, at present mainly mines, to the foreign companies; when the foreign debt persists, although the capital comes from other imperialist centres; when popular protest is criminalised; when free trade negotiations and agreements are going ahead under different names; or, when governmental propaganda says more of what in reality is being carried out in the social sphere.

Even though discontent is arising among the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples, it is a fact that, so far, these governments have had, to a certain degree, the capacity to neutralise and contain the social mobilisation. Without a doubt, that is a fruit of the ability of ideological-political manipulation by the bourgeois factions that, with the support of imperialism, are in the government; it is due to the carrying out of social welfare and patronage policies, to the presence of authoritarian leaders as heads of government who make wide use of demagogy and populist policies; but it is also due to the existing limits in the consciousness of the masses and the weaknesses from which the revolutionary and left-wing organisations still suffer.

Under these new conditions, the struggle that the workers and revolutionary organisations are unfolding is becoming more complex, since it is relatively clearer for the masses that they must confront and fight a government that is openly right-wing and linked to foreign capital, than one that demagogically claims to promote change and to affect the interests of the rich, even though in reality it is doing nothing more than propping up the whole system of domination by capital and defending the interests of the local ruling classes and of imperialist finance capital.

For the advance of the revolutionary struggle of the peoples, it is essential to unmask and defeat these sell-out, demagogic and populist governments that are causing serious damage to the development of the popular organisation and struggle. It is necessary to combat these governments functioning on behalf of the ruling system, but by no means should we play into the interests of the other bourgeois factions of the ‘right’ The struggle of the workers and peoples, with a class independence, to win social and national liberation forces them to fight and defeat one and the other bourgeois faction.

In order to fulfill the strategic intentions that drive us, we the political organisations, movements and parties committed to leading the revolution and socialism to victory must redouble our efforts to develop the political consciousness of the masses. That is possible mainly by unleashing the struggle for their particular demands and political banners in order to unmask the true nature of those governments. It is vital to promote an intense and systematic ideological-political offensive of the revolutionary ideals among the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples; it is urgent to take advantage of all the opportunities that the bourgeois institutions allow for the political task and even to surpass these; it is necessary to persevere in the unity of the popular movement and of the political organisations of the left in order to isolate from the social movement those who, at the present time, are manipulating the yearnings for change of the peoples from positions of power.

Although, circumstantially, the populist governments have managed to partially restrain the struggle of the masses, it is certain that their material conditions of life and the historical limitations of these governments are forcing the masses to protest. Still more, the world scenario is inevitably affecting them from all sides and the sharpening of the general crisis of the capitalist system is causing the fighting response of the peoples, as can be observed in our region and in particular in Europe, with whose working class and youth we express our solidarity.

We, the organizations taking part in this 16th Seminar on the International Problems of the Revolution in Latin America, united in Quito from July 16 to 20, reiterate our internationalist duty and commitment to continue fighting for unity and solidarity among the peoples, to form – by means of concrete actions – a great anti-imperialist front. We uphold the right of the peoples to self-determination; we condemn all forms of foreign intervention and all actions of the ruling classes to thwart the will of the peoples.

The views summarised in this Statement are the result of open and democratic debate in this seminar. We present them to the world so that the workers, youth and peoples may know them.

From Quito, Ecuador, we express our commitment to continue this event and, for that reason we are convening the 17th International Seminar for next year.

Quito, July 20, 2012
Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Movement for the Popular Constituent Assembly – Colombia
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Labour of the Dominican Republic
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Revolutionary Popular Front – Mexico
Communist Party of Palestine
Communist Party of Peru – Red Fatherland
Peruvian Communist Party Marxist-Leninist
National Democratic Front – Philippines
Caribbean and Latin American Coordinator of Puerto Rico
All Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) – Russia
Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist
Gayones Movement – Venezuela
Emancipator Pedagogic Movement of Venezuela MOPEZ
Movement of Education for the Emancipation of Venezuela MEPE
Marxist-Leninist Trade Union Current – Venezuela
Ana Soto Women’s Movement of Venezuela
Preparatory Committee of Venezuela for the 23rd International Camp of Anti-Fascist and Anti-Imperialist Youth
Socialist Revolutionary University Front – Venezuela
Socialist Movement for the Quality of Life and Health – Venezuela
Democratic Popular Movement – Ecuador
Revolutionary Youth of Ecuador
Revolutionary Front of the University Left
Teachers Vanguard Front
Revolutionary Trade Union Current
Confederation of Ecuadorian Women for Change
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador

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