Category Archives: Popular Liberation Army (EPL)

Notes on the history of the Communist Party of Colombia (M-L)

The founding of the Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist was the culmination of a process of political differentiation that allowed a significant contingent of principled revolutionaries, in the early 1960s, to draw lines of demarcation with reformism, pacifism and Khrushchevite revisionism, which were dominant in those years as the main lines of political action of the organizations that, at that time, made up the people’s camp.

It was a time of great economic, social and political tensions. At that time, in the world, the inter-imperialist confrontation between the US and the so-called Soviet Union resulted in a “Cold War” of great dimensions that was devastating for the life of continents. At the same time, the revolutionary struggles raging in Vietnam,* in the Congo** and in different countries, and the revolutions in China (1949) and Cuba (1959) had a great influence on us. And in 1948, our country was the scene of a tragedy: after the assassination of Jorge Eliecer Gaitan on April 9, 1948, the Liberals and Conservatives unleashed a civil war, which they used to try to bury the democratic aspirations of the people. In 1958, they pushed though a referendum by which the two parties would alternate in the government for a period of 12 years, with a strictly equal distribution of public offices, including ministries, institutes, elected bodies and the judicial system.

* The military coup fostered by the U.S. against Ngo Dinh Diem, President of South Vietnam, in 1963, and the massive bombing subsequently ordered by U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson against North Vietnam in 1964, were the beginning of a long period of war in that country that lasted until 1975, when the United States was decisively defeated by the anti-imperialist forces and forced to leave the country.

** The world will not forget the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, Prime Minister and independence leader of the Congo, on January 17, 1961, in an action carried out by the CIA and putschist Colonel Joseph Mobutu to further the interests of U.S. multinationals in that country.

This was how the so-called “National Front” was born, that the traditional parties imposed as a strategy: on the one hand, to make the guerrilla forces surrender, forces that had evolved from liberalism to the defense of anti-imperialist ideas, and that were expanding strongly throughout the country, thus endangering the power of the bourgeoisie and landlords. On the other hand, to impose a bipartisan system of government and political control that excluded the constitutional and legal possibility that other political forces would arise or that parties other than the Liberals and Conservatives could take office even if they obtained the majority votes as required by law. The widespread repression, the constant bombardment of the guerrilla zones*, the assassination of trade union, social and political leaders marked a regime of terror that also spared no effort to use the carrot of populism to re-legitimize the ruling classes in the country.

* Also called “Red Zones”.

From the economic point of view, this urge to re-legitimize the ruling classes was in clear accordance with a model that called for protecting the prices in the coffee industry from collapse, promoting the export of non-traditional products, especially industrial products, improving productivity, expanding industry, expanding State capital through the construction of infrastructure in roads, energy and public services.

The main political discussions

The future of the country, amidst a rather complex economic, political and social reality, as well as the program and role of the various political organizations, were the topics of great controversy that galvanized the revolutionaries of that time. But to be able to move from such debates to transformative political actions necessitated an ideological and political unity and/or identity that could only be built by deepening the ideological struggle and practical commitment.

In the Communist Party of Colombia*, especially since its 5th Congress held in 1947, the target of the ideological struggle included the theses of Browderism, defended first by Augusto Duran**, the leader of the port workers and until then General Secretary of the Party, and then by Mr. Gilberto Vieira White*** who, like his predecessor, did not hesitate to propose a rapprochement and unity with those sectors of the bourgeoisie that they considered democratic and/or progressive, as a condition to advance and defeat the reactionary sectors present in the State and government. That line was initially the perfect excuse invented by these gentlemen to adopt a policy of collaboration with the bourgeois governments of that time, in effect making the Communist Party an appendage of the tactics and strategy of the traditional parties. It is undeniable that they laid bare the true content of the calls for coexistence and cohabitation with the establishment that this organization had promoted since the 1940s.

* In 1979 the party changed its name, coming to be called the Colombian Communist Party.

** Augusto Duran was elected General Secretary at the 3rd Congress of the PCC held in 1938; like Browder he promoted changing the name of the party, calling it the Democratic Socialist Party (PSD). The PSD was characterized by a reformist political line that supported the government policies of that time. So backward was the policy promoted by this political leader that he even opposed the entry of intellectuals into the Party. 

*** Gilberto Vieira White was elected General Secretary of the PCC at its 5th Congress in 1947.

It should be noted that the consistent leaders promptly rejected that line of conduct of the leading clique of the Communist Party of Colombia, and maintained the clear idea of transcending and demarcating lines with Browderism, making a great effort to provide the Colombian working class and people with a really Marxist-Leninist organization. This would really confront imperialism and the bourgeoisie, which are truly responsible for the dependence, backwardness, marginalization, poverty and lack of rights existing in the country.

The ideological struggle also targeted the Bernsteinian theses that promoted parliamentarism and electoral participation as the only way to achieve power. Both imperialism and the bourgeoisie knew that these positions, promoted by the agents of revisionism and social democracy internationally, were an immense support for them. In that sense, they did not hesitate to protect and provide advantages to the organizations and leaders who defended those positions, claiming at the same time how anti-historical and counterproductive for democracy and the development of countries are revolutions through violent means. Our history knows of the shameless work that most of the leaders of the CTC* and UTC** developed. Together and in very close collaboration with the various factions of the Liberal and Conservative parties, as well as the Catholic Church, they maintained that evolution by means of trade unionism and peaceful political action were among the most consistent actions to eliminate class privileges and ensure equality among individuals.

* CTC: Federation of Colombian Workers.

** UTC: Union of Workers of Colombia.

To these positions, one must add those of the Declaration of Havana of 1960. The Communist Party of Colombia, a signatory and promoter of that declaration, accepted its positions as a general line on the struggle for world peace, the coexistence between capitalism and the countries of the socialist camp, the peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism and the seizure of power by the parliamentary road. Revolutionaries both inside and outside the party made many criticisms of it, insisting on pointing out the relevance of combining all forms of struggle, the role of violence as the midwife of history, and the leading role of the masses in social change, principles that are broadly expounded by Marxism-Leninism.

The ideological struggle also targeted the internal life and its rules. Matters of great importance did not escape the debates, such as the character of the organizations, the admission requirements, the organizational principles and the role of different organizations. Democratic centralism had been adopted as a principle and backbone of the Communist Party of Colombia since it was founded, in 1930 as a section of the Third International (Comintern). But this had become notoriously only a formal matter in the party, since the latter had become a debating society, deprived of any revolutionary spirit. In many of its documents, “freedom of criticism” was confused with “ideological and political pluralism” and was advocated by those who supported the coexistence of various points of view within the party. In this scenario, we could point out many other aspects of the political discussion of that time, about which it is important to remember many other points of view. Besides the above-mentioned discussion, we cannot ignore the state of the forces of the Communist Party in the late 1950s and early 1960s, which was characterized by its unquestionable anachronism and state of decay.

Motivated by the need to advance in the building of a vanguard organization, cadres and members of different organizations held wide discussions, in which they examined many proposals and projects of important sectors of the working class, the organized workers, peasants, students , intellectuals, youth and women, who were interested in achieving an accurate assessment of the national and international situation, of Colombian society, the State, the mass movement, the revolutionary movement and its perspective. All these aspects were analyzed without forgetting to stress the most important role to be performed by the real revolutionary forces, both at the national and international levels.

Khrushchevism

The building of the Party was preceded by events that would be crucial to strengthen its ideological and political positions. In 1956, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) held its 20th Congress in Moscow under the leadership of Nikita Khrushchev, at which fundamental changes were introduced to the policies that were supposed to guide the International Communist Movement. In a period in which imperialism, headed by the United States, rigorously imposed the policy and practices of the Cold War, the leadership of the CPSU decided that, due to advances of the Soviet Union, it was correct to transform the State of the working class into the “State of the whole people” and to convert the Communist Party into a “party of the whole people”. In accordance with these changes, peaceful coexistence, peaceful competition and peaceful transition were established as valid, thus invalidating at one stroke the practice of the class struggle. To promote these policies and practices, which were contrary to Marxism-Leninism, the leadership of the CPSU focused its efforts on sullying the contributions and work of Stalin in the building of socialism. For this reason, they accused him of fostering a “cult of personality,” trying to discredit him before public opinion. Some important documents of the 20th Congress against Stalin were dealt with in secret, which showed that the leaders of the CPSU intended to renounce the highest interests of the working class and to abandon the path of proletarian revolution.

The conclusions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU caused a huge shock within the International Communist Movement and the Communist Parties; they stimulated debates on issues of great relevance, such as the prospect of the revolution and the role of the communists in the struggle for the achievement of the objectives of the working class. The depth of the contradictions caused an inevitable split, while various parties and leaders of the time waged an unwavering and courageous defense of the principles of scientific theory taught by teachers of the proletariat. As a result of the inevitable demarcation, the foundations for the building of the new International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and for the rise of Marxist- Leninist organizations in various countries were laid.

The Founding of the Party

In Colombia, the debate was pushed forward in order to clarify the true nature of the Party, the objective of the revolution and the role that communists must fulfill to realize it. During this period, some of the cadres and members arose who made possible the building of the new Party. Pedro Vasquez Rendon had been a member of the Communist Party since the early 1950s and also a fighter with the guerrillas who were formed to defend themselves from the offensive that the government had unleashed against the people. Incidentally, it was comrade Pedro Vasquez Rendon who gave Pedro Antonio Marin the name of Manuel Marulanda, after a course given at the School of the Communist Party in 1952. Other cadres of that period were Pedro Leon Arboleda, a philosopher and journalist; Francisco Garnica, a prominent leader of the Communist Youth, as well as Ricardo Torres and Carlos Alberto Morales, who were killed by the national army in Cali, after having been captured in Guacari, in the Department of Valle del Cauca. Libardo Mora Toro, a labor lawyer and also an outstanding athletic champion, was killed in combat as a leader of the EPL (Popular Liberation Army). It should be noted that other leaders of the Communist Party, and especially of the Communist Youth, more than 70% of whose members went over to the new Party, had been expelled by the revisionist clique of Gilberto Vieira White in 1962.

These bases were fundamental in building the pillars of what would be the organization of the Party, which became a reality with the contributions and efforts of cadres who arose from the revolutionary struggle in different organizations. It is correct to state that leaders, cadres and selected members of almost all the forces interested in building a new society came together into the Party under the impulse of the working class and the leadership of the Party as its vanguard. It is of course impossible to mention them all, but it is worth remembering Elohim Grajales, a renowned economist and a socialist leader; Francisco Caraballo, a leader of the National Command of the JMRL (Youths of the Liberal Revolutionary Movement), Aldemar Londono, a doctor and social leader in the coffee zone, Bernardo Ferreira Grandet, among others.

In the early 1960s, Colombia experienced a great revolutionary fervor resulting from the violence that affected society in the 1950s, the imposition of exclusive norms of the National Front and the need to fight for changes in the reality of the country. The objective conditions were ripe to present proposals, to go to the grassroots, to organize and mobilize them to participate in the different forms of the struggle.

The subjective conditions for building the organizational structure were ripe to move forward. Therefore the decision was made to coordinate activities among the cadres who were able to build the new Marxist-Leninist party. In order to accomplish this task, in early 1964 a Committee of Integration of the Colombian Revolutionary Movements (CIMREC) was established, with a commitment to first hold the Constitutive Conference and then organize the Congress of the Party which, according to the plans, should be held within one year.* The Constitutive Conference was held in the municipality of La Ceja, in Antioquia, between March 5 and 8, 1964, with the presence of a great majority of delegates who reaffirmed their commitment to advance the building of the Party. At the Conference a central leadership of 23 members was elected, the drawing up of the central documents was agreed on in order to organize meetings in different regions of the country and to promote discussion as well as the rules for the election of delegates to the Founding Congress.

* Conclusions of the 10th Congress of the CP of C (M-L). July 17, 1965.

The steps achieved made possible the consolidation of relations with other parties that were advancing in the same direction. In the first place it is worth recalling the Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist, with the unforgettable presence of comrades Raul Marco and Elena Odena; the Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador; and of course the Communist Party of China which, in that period, was in the forefront of the struggle against revisionism.

The Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist was founded on July 17, 1965, at the 10th Congress held near Bogota. It took up the principles of Marxism- Leninism as a guide for its revolutionary action, reaffirmed the class character of the Party as the vanguard of the proletariat, proposed as objectives of its struggles the patriotic, popular, anti-imperialist revolution on the road toward socialism and, as the way toward it, the armed revolutionary struggle, with the participation of the masses and under the political leadership of the Party. Consistent with this decision, the Party also took up the task of promoting the building of a Patriotic Liberation Front, looking to open the way to the unity of the people, that is, the worker, peasant and popular alliance. It is also decided to work for the building of its armed wing, the Popular Liberation Army, as an instrument to especially promote the armed struggle of the people and enable the Party to prepare the popular armed insurrection.

Regarding the ideological struggle with the revisionists, the 10th Congress decided to raise the ideological and political struggle against this opportunist current, unmasking its collaborationist and conciliatory work with U.S. imperialism and the local bourgeoisie.

Faced with the discussion of whether to declare the Congress as the 1st or the 10th, the Organization Bulletin adopted at the event clearly stated the following:

“The battle against revisionism is not just one more task but a key part of our action. Today we are in a position to strike a severe blow against this traitorous clique that, two years ago, maneuvered to have the 10th Congress rigged with an absolutely unconditional representation. This Congress is the Congress of the Colombian communists. This Congress has to be the 10th Congress of the CP, which the Vieira clique had not been able to hold despite having called it for this year, 1964. This Congress should announce to the country that the Colombian communists have abandoned the opportunist leadership in order to take up the revolutionary path; it must prevent and hinder the revisionist attempt to further deceive the masses by taking the glorious communist name with impunity. This Congress will radically change the situation in the fight against revisionism; the explanations, rectifications, the desperate cries, will be of those who would try to prove the illegitimacy of our meeting, but those laments will find in front of them the formidable barrier of the revolutionary conclusions of our Congress.

“To go against our Congress will mean to go against its revolutionary conclusions, and so the only thing that they would fully prove would be the kind of the cowardly traitors they are.

“This Congress is also part of the struggle between Marxism-Leninism and right opportunism and has to be useful to that struggle. All this will be done better if we declare this Congress to be the 10th Congress of the Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist.”*

* Conclusions of the 10th Congress of the Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist. July 17, 1965.

Comrade Raul Marco, delegate of the Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist who attended this event, contributed his lessons on this important discussion, saying:

“The problem of whether to call this the 1st or the 10th Congress is not a minor one. If we state that this is the first congress, they will call us splitters. If we are the 10th Congress, the splitters will be those who try to call for another Congress over the heads of the majority of the party. The Party does not belong to those who, for a long time, took over its leadership to stifle its ability to fight, but to those who preserve and develop the revolutionary spirit of Marxism-Leninism.”*

* Ibid.

The relevance of our project

Today, just as yesterday, those who insist on saying that Marxism-Leninism has lost its relevance and that those of us who defend it are behind the times and lack a vision of the future are wrong; they have lost sight of the fact that what really failed was a false model of socialism that served as a step to follow a path toward capitalism, as the reality of present-day imperialist Russia has clearly shown.

This project of the party, created over 50 years ago, still preserves its political relevance and today we have the honor of carrying the communist banner that the heirs of Khrushchev have lowered worldwide.

For the communists today, the defense of Marxism-Leninism as the fundamental guide for the revolutionary struggle of the working class remains a task of the highest order, without which the perspective of building genuine socialism is obscured. This is why we will continue as a Party to strive to steel our forces, strengthen our unity, grow and participate actively, without hesitation, in the different forms of the class struggle.

At times when the social contradictions are being exacerbated and capitalism is showing its agony and inability to create development, well-being, social equality and freedom, the world bourgeoisie is reinforcing its offensive, opposing any change that threatens its interests and profits. That is why it insists on attacking Marxism-Leninism, ridiculing the socialist project and the communist future. The principal target of the bourgeois theorists and those who converted to their side at the last moment includes proletarian partisanship, which they are fiercely attacking, seeking its total elimination. There is no doubt that imperialism is pushing forward a multifaceted offensive, which combines strong ideological, political, organizational and military structures aimed at containing and defeating the resistance and struggle of the working class and peoples for their independence and self-determination. In this regard, we will continue to state that today, just as yesterday, we continue to take up the challenge of disrupting the offensive of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, of defeating their plans, a matter that calls on us to strengthen our parties, to show their importance and their historical and political relevance.

In that vein, we Party members fully take up the commitment to hold firm the banners that gave origin to our Party. We are and remain staunch defenders of Marxism-Leninism, of its historical and political relevance, of the interests of the proletariat and the Colombian people. It is obvious that the policies adopted by the Party at its 10th Congress have undergone substantial changes; in fact, the reality that we face is not the same as that of the 1960s, but the political foundations that support our organization are intact and much stronger as a result of our combat and loyalty to the interests of the working class and the people.

In December of 2011 we held our 17th Congress, and now we are preparing to hold our 18th Congress. What guides us is a current and relevant political line and program, subject to constant testing in the class struggle that highlights the important accumulated experience achieved by the Party.

We face the challenge of accelerating the upward path, winning new positions in the class struggle, and therefore we see the need to strengthen our unity, steel our role, raise the initiative and link ourselves better to the masses with an approach that allows us to grow qualitatively and quantitatively. To rationalize our experiences and the experiences of our fraternal parties and of the revolutionaries of the world will undoubtedly contribute to the objectives undertaken that, rather than deny, will reaffirm our banners, our basic tenets, principles and the historical legacy that we communists of the world have in various spheres.

We cannot ignore the fact that these have been 50 years of hard and tenacious struggle in all spheres, with important contributions to our revolutionary process, with a brilliant history of participation in the various scenarios of the national and international class struggle that are our heritage. Our history is based on the strength and conviction of the justness of our cause. This is the way the most outstanding leaders of our organizations have acted. Hundreds of leading cadres, members, fighters and supporters have stained the banner of the Party with blood in the struggle to crystallize its ideals. Many have gone and will go through harsh conditions of life and work in the prisons of the reactionary regime to keep unsullied their high communist aspirations.

Without Messianism of any kind, but with deep convictions, the best tribute that we can pay to those martyrs and heroes, to those selfless fighters, is to stay firm on course to consolidate and develop the Party and the organizations that it leads.

Communist thought maintains its solid foundations, and the world situation of today demolishes all the speeches that the bourgeoisie has advanced to bury its hated enemy and thus deprive the proletariat and the revolutionary classes of the weapon they need to destroy the capitalist system and “storm heaven by assault,” as Marx stated in regard to the Paris Commune. Marxism-Leninism is a theory able to achieve its own development, to assimilate the scientific advances, to renew itself without abandoning its nature and, on this theoretical basis, the members of our Party are convinced that the history of 50 years of struggle is not in its final chapter.

To the delight of the bourgeoisie, many converts have tried to write the requiem for our organizations, with great shows of scientism, but the facts are more stubborn than the vain aspirations of the deserters. Here we are immersed in the class struggle and with our heads high we are defending the ideals of communism, of scientific socialism and of revolution.

Many times they have given us up for dead and wanted to attend our funeral. However, despite our limitations, we are here. We represent a worthy and revolutionary point of view in the country. We have a structure and an influence in the mass movement. In contrast, all the factions that have attacked our Party have disappeared as political projects. The “Hopefuls*,” who sold out the majority of the EPL, are now gone, dissolved organizationally and politically; they abandoned their base and cadres to their fate, they joined social democratic organizations or parties of the bourgeoisie, they did not come up with a different alternative for change in the country, as they had touted, and some of their members bear the shame of having gone over to the ranks of the enemies of the revolution. The “Rectifiers”, as the faction headed by Danilo Trujillo and Gabriela Londono is known, who were expelled from our party in 1998, underwent the same fate and were even unable to design a serious political project for the country and the masses. Today we find them in the ranks of the bourgeoisie, collaborating with its projects.

* This is the term by which the members of the organization Hope, Peace and Freedom are known, a faction of the Party and the EPL in the years 1989 and 1990.

In defending the ideological, political and organizational integrity of the Party, we have undoubtedly made mistakes. But we have not lost the proletarian path and that is the essential point. Many valiant people who are not with us today have passed through our Party; there are various reasons for this. We want to increase our membership, as well as the environment surrounding the organization and its presence in the political life and among the various popular sectors.

The situation we have experienced, from the time of our restructuring based on Marxism-Leninism in 1965 until today, is rich in experience. It provides fundamental ideological, political and methodological elements. Many things have changed in the national environment and in the world context. Looking at things from that perspective, we must say that much remains to be corrected, that it is necessary to make updates and advances, and that the challenge today is different. It is no longer a matter of just reaffirming ourselves, or proclaiming that we exist, but of consolidating our ideological make-up, developing our ranks qualitatively and quantitatively, placing ourselves in a better and more scientific way among the masses and in the general political struggle and, finally, sharpening our tools to better confront imperialism and the bourgeoisie, revisionism and all sorts of enemies that are trying to halt the march of history. Our great challenge is still to be an alternative of power.

To enhance the struggle for popular power, we need the revolutionary historical memory of our people. To grow and strengthen the quality of our party we need to recover its true history, the life and struggles of those who forged it, the battles won and the setbacks we have had to face. In this way we will unmask the false histories that are told and written about us. In this way we paint the Marxist Leninist picture that is the reason for our existence and the pillar in order to win our objectives.

To mark these 50 years of communist life we want to salute the Parties and Organizations that claim this ideology and commit our efforts together with them to develop the current of thought that characterizes us. Similarly, we say to all the democrats and revolutionaries of Colombia and the world that they can count on us in the fight against the common enemy. To all the cadres and members suffering in the prisons of the regime, we bring our message of solidarity and commitment to honor in combat the history of 50 years of relentless struggle.

Long live the Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist!!

Long live, long live, long live!!

Fifty years of fighting together with the working class and the people!!

For Democracy and Socialism!!

Communist Party of Colombia (M-L)
Central Executive Committee
pcdcml@yahoo.com 
March 31, 2015

Source

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ICMLPO Resolution on Colombia

logo_mundo-copia-1The Parties and Organizations participating in the XXII International Plenary have carried out a detailed monitoring of the Colombian reality, especially of the activities that are realised today in this country for the peace.

Our Conference wants to take advantage of this occasion to reiterate its full support to the working class, the labourers and the people of Colombia, to their struggle for the achievement of a true peace with social justice.

The results of the plebiscite

Having known the results of the plebiscite held on October 2, we point out the high level of abstention that was registered in the country. On a total of 34.899.945 registered people in the electoral census in Colombia, only 13.066.047 voters, that represent the 37.43%, went to the polls. Along with the abstention, that reached the 62.57%, the results show the very low support received by the YES, that obtained only 6.377.482 votes (about 18.27%), and by the NOT with 6.431.376 votes (about 18.42%). These data reflect the government’s very low support, as well as the rejection of the agreements signed by the government of Juan Manuel Santos with the FARC-EP. The invalid and blank ballots, that are more than 257.000, are also an expression of dissent and protest against the politics of peace wanted by the government.

For our Conference, neither Santos, leader of the YES, nor Álvaro Uribe Vélez, boss of the NOT, acquired the support and the necessary legitimacy to continue on committing the State with the proposals and the politics that they defend. We highlight the results of the conflict, the will expressed by the people to reject the “Roman Peace”, as well as its demands and commitment with the democratic changes that will allow the overcoming of the injustice and social exclusion that characterizes the Colombia regime.

Having been not adopted the Havana agreements, and recognizing the deep desire of peace with social justice of the Colombian people, our Conference underline the obligation that has the Juan Manuel Santos government to provide to all the organizations, social and political forces, the necessary guarantees for the development of a wide national dialogue in order to discuss without obstacles the way out of the social, economic, politic and armed conflict that this nation lives for long years.

Optimists for the steps to be taken, we greet the activities and protest manifestations that spread out in the whole country, demanding the government not to reduce the dialogue, and neither the definitions about the peace in Colombia to what agreed the government, the parties of the National Unity, the Democratic Center and the FARC-EP. We express our support to the democratic social and political organizations that struggle in that perspective, in order to extend the conversations to the whole insurgency, including the ELN and EPL, as well as all the social, popular and political organizations of the country, in a clearing understanding that peace is a matter that concerns and commits to the totality of the Colombian nation.

We support the proposal to realise a National Constituent Assembly with a wide democratic character that will take up the task of approving a New Political Constitution and with it the bases of the peace with social justice that claim the majorities of Colombia.

The Nobel to Santos

In front of the international community, we express our concern for the erratic decisions of the Norwegian Nobel Committee regarding the peace in the world. In the same way we expressed our clearest rejection to the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Obama, in this occasion we reject the prize that Juan Manuel Santos will receive on December of the present year with the same justification.

Mr. Santos can show neither administration of peace, nor concrete results in this matter; his commitment with the Pentagon, the imperialistic strategy of struggle against the world terrorism and the politics of national security applied in Colombia and Latin America will never be able to represent him as a leader of the peace of our peoples.

The defenders of such prize forget that Mr. Santos, in his function of Secretary of Defence in the government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez, was responsible of the so-called “false positive”; he promoted the paramilitary groups, the famous “chuzadas” (illegal interception of communications) to the high Judicial Cortes and the attack to the sovereignty of the countries. They also forget the repressive action against the people in the years in which he acted as Chief of the State and of the government in Colombia; the constant violations of the human rights and the humanitarian international right; the indiscriminate bombings, the out of combat murder of the of guerrilla leaders’, as well as the disappearance of more than a hundred of popular leaders during its government. Furthermore, they also forget the linking of the Colombian armed forces, leaded by Santos, with the NATO, as well as its actions with the group of the allies against Iraq and Syria in the last years. For our Conference a war criminal like Santos will never be seen by the workers and peoples like a defender and fighter for peace.

Our support and solidarity

Finally, in accordance with the debated questions, the ICMLPO express its support and solidarity with the political action that the Communist Party of Colombia (marxistleninist) and the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) develop along with the working class and the people, against the fascistization and for the conquest of the democratic openness and the peace with social justice.

XXII PLENARY OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF MARXIST-LENINIST PARTIES AND ORGANIZATIONS (ICMLPO)
Denmark, October 2016

Marxist–Leninist Communist Party (Turkey): Freedom for Francisco Caraballo!

Manuel Pérez, ELN, Manuel Marulanda, FARC-EP y Francisco Caraballo, EPL

Manuel Pérez, ELN, Manuel Marulanda, FARC-EP y
Francisco Caraballo, EPL

April 2005

Capitalist system applies all sorts of violence against its opponents, especially the communists all over the world. Because, the communists are building the future and the exploiters know this very well. The torture and prisons also cannot change the advancing of the history and the revolutionary wills of the political prisoners: “I believe socialism presents the necessary perspective for the revolutionary change of the society. Socialism is the future of the mankind, there is no doubt from it.” These words belong to Francisco Caraballo, the President of Colombia Communist Party (ML) and the Commander of People’s Liberation Army (EPL). EPL gives armed struggle for socialism under the leadership of CCP (ML) against the reactionary power in Colombia since 1967. Francisco Caraballo was captured by the enemy on 22nd of June 1994, and still in prison since than.

He was kept in the BogotE1 Military Prison together with his wife and son, who was 16 years old, until a criminal attempt against him by the army had brought to open. As the result of solidarity campaign carried out for him both in the country and on the international arena, the Government transferred him from military prison to Itagui-Antiochia Prision, a high security prison near to Medellin. He stays there under solitary confinement and without security of life. The Colombian State is not accepting him as a political prisoner, and also prevents the treatment of his illness.

Comrade Francisco Caraballo is in prison for more than 10 years. Although he has to be freed according to the Colombian Penal Code because of serving the penalty, when it comes to protection of the power of the ruling classes, the reactionary State of Colombia is not implementing even its own laws, and continuing to keep him in prison.

We, as MLCP, state that we are in solidarity with Francisco Caraballo and urge his immediate release. We, at the same time, call upon all communists, revolutionaries and progressives to defend Francisco Caraballo and to protest Colombian State.

Source

Interview with Francisco Caraballo: “Socialism Is the Future of Humanity”

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From January 2004

Translation from A Verdade, Brazil

A Verdade is the exclusive publisher in Brazil of this interview with Francisco Caraballo, leader of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and of the Popular Army of Liberation (EPL). He was condemned by the Colombian courts of ‘justice’ to a sentence of 40 years in prison. For ten years, he has been held in a maximum-security prison guarded by the army, where he is receiving cruel and inhuman treatment, to the point where he is denied access to medical services and to the medication necessity for his illness.

In this interview, Caraballo denounces the Plan Colombia, the interference of the United States in his country and in Latin America in general, he defends the unity of the revolutionary guerrilla forces of Colombia and affirms that the majority of Colombians are not in favour of the violence that the State is carrying out against the people, nor of the subordination to the demands of the IMF.

Francisco Caraballo is an example of ideological steadfastness and of the valour that characterises the Marxist-Leninist communists. The brutal repression that he faces has not undermined his revolutionary morale nor his conviction in the triumph of the social revolution of the proletariat in his country and on a world scale. At the present time, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations is unfolding a worldwide campaign for the freedom of Comrade Francisco Caraballo and of solidarity with the working class and people of Colombia and their heroic struggle.

Luiz Falcão

A Verdade: Why are you in prison?

F.C.: I have been involved in revolutionary activity continuously for 43 years. I participated in the foundation of the Communist Party of Colombia (M-L) and of the Popular Army of Liberation. I have fought consistently for profound transformations in the political and social reality of the country. That is why I took part in various forms of revolutionary activity. As a rebel I have expressed in theory and practice the contradiction with the established social system and the State that defends it. For many years I was subjected to rabid persecution by the State’s repressive apparatus. On several occasions news of my death was published and rewards were offered for capture, dead or alive, in the manner of the Wild West. For 10 years I have been in prison, first in the installations of the Army Artillery School, then in the Military Police Battalion in Bogotá, and finally I was transferred to the Maximum Security Penitentiary in Itagüi-Antioquia. According to the norms of the Penal Code, I have already completed my sentence; however, I have been condemned to 40 years in prison. This shows that the State is violating its own laws and that justice is subordinate to the interests of the struggle between those who defend the status quo and those who seek to change it radically.

A Verdade: Colombia has vast riches, but its people live in misery. What are the causes of the poverty in Colombia?

F.C.: Colombia is inhabited by 44 million people, of whom 67% are less than 30 years old. It has an area of 1,338,000 sq. km. [514,000 sq. mi], with a very varied topography and climate. The agricultural and livestock sectors are the bases of the economy, with coffee as the main export product. It produces a variety of products in all climates and has favorable conditions for raising livestock and fishing, although these have been downplayed in favor of imports. The subsoil contains oil, which makes up 30% of exports, coal, which represents 40% of the reserves of Latin America, natural gas, emeralds, gold, silver, platinum, iron, nickel, uranium and cobalt. Its territory has an important biological heritage. Industry, which contributes 20% of the GNP, produces textiles, food, chemicals and metallurgy among other things.

Despite such a promising reality, while a narrow elite enjoys all the privileges and benefits, the immense majority of Colombians are forced into misery and are marginalized. The oligarchy, tied to big transnational capital, is responsible for the most serious problems of the country, the backwardness and poverty, because those in power have persisted in fulfilling the dictates of the IMF and World Bank, in applying the neo-liberal model and “economic opening” that has reduced agricultural, livestock and industrial production, besides promoting the increased exploitation of labor and the privatization of public enterprises at the cost of the living and working conditions of the workers.

Imperialist domination, the advances in the concentration and centralization of production and capital, the application of neo-liberal policies, the strengthening of the financial sector, have widened the chasm between broad sectors of society and a small group of large capitalists. It is this group which is the most responsible for the backwardness, misery and violence from which the majority of Colombians suffers.

A Verdade: What are the changes that your Party calls for in Colombia?

F.C.: The Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist proposes, as its strategic objective, the realization of a process of democratic, anti-imperialist revolution oriented towards socialism. Socialist construction is understood as a complex and long task that logically requires fundamental changes in political consciousness, in the correlation of forces confronting each other and in the accumulation of experiences in the various forms of class confrontation. It is necessary to remove the obstacles which are opposed to social progress, to the exercise of a genuine democracy and to the improvement of the conditions of life of the majorities who have been excluded.

On the level of tactics, the Party demands:

To struggle for the defense of national sovereignty, to contribute to the unity of the Latin American peoples and to internationalism among the workers; all this has to be seen as related to the mobilizations against the interference of the United States government in the affairs that are only the concern of our people.

To reject the neo-liberal policies and, of course, to contribute to defending and improving the conditions of life of the workers.

To promote actions for a genuine democracy, the right to life, liberty, dignity and human rights; against State terrorism, paramilitaries and all kinds of repression against the people’s fighters.

To promote unity on different social levels, as an indispensable condition to carry out the great transformations that Colombia needs.

All the political or social actions that the Party promotes are oriented towards creating conditions for the changes that conform to the character of the revolution.

A Verdade: Recently the Uribe government suffered a big defeat in the referendum. Why did the Colombian people say No to Uribe and the policies of the IMF?

F.C.: It is useful to remember that after his victory in the presidential elections of 2002, the big media, the most important economic groups and some political and social sectors spread the idea that Colombians unanimously supported all the policies of President Alvaro Uribe, and he certainly believed that. But the majority of Colombians are not in favor of the violence that the State is increasingly using against the people, nor in supporting further intervention of the Bush government in the internal affairs of Colombia, nor do they agree to be subordinated to the demands of the IMF. The Colombian people reject the policy of hunger and repression of the present government. That explains why, after fourteen months in the government, President Uribe has suffered successive failures, including the rejection of the referendum. It was a matter of the militarization of national life and the policy of “democratic security,” which has given free reign to all forms of arbitrariness. President Uribe showed his bankruptcy on important matters: he failed to organize a pro-Uribe party and did not receive support for his proposal for presidential reelection, by means of which he intended to prolong his term; he has lost his unanimous support in the big media; he failed to revive the idea of a referendum by means of political maneuvers; he did not receive endorsement for the Special Treaty of Protection for Colombian immigrants in the United States. As consequence of all these factors, the dissatisfaction with and criticism of the main policies of the Uribe government has grown, opening enormous possibilities for the people’s struggles, keeping in mind that this year new measures have been announced that will affect large groups of the population.

A Verdade: What is the Plan Colombia? What is the Andean Regional Initiative?

F.C.: Plan Colombia is part of the strategy of the United States to strengthen its domination in the Americas. This imperialist policy has its precedents in the strategy of the cold war and the doctrine of “national security,” which influences determining factors of the reality of Latin America and of Colombia in particular, given its importance from a geopolitical point of view. In December of 1998, President Andres Pastrana presented Plan Colombia under the guise of a “Change to Build Peace,” which tried to disguise its true intentions. Initially the emphasis was put, formally, on the fight against drug trafficking, but a year later its military content was made clear, that it was to justify the restructuring, strengthening and modernization of the military forces. Together with these measures, the presence of military troops has increased, and intelligence and technical personnel as well as elite Pentagon troops are operating on Colombian territory. The United States government has reinforced its “air interdiction” and has installed radar at various sites in the country. After September 11, under the guise of the fight against terrorism declared by Mr. Bush, that activity has noticeably increased.

Besides the military element, which is the primary element in their plans, Plan Colombia has other components: on the economic plane it is connected to the interests of important oil companies in the United States and Great Britain to take over the energy resources of the country; they took part in drawing up the documents of the Plan and made huge investments in the protection of these resources through agreements with the paramilitary groups. On the political level, repressive measures have been put in place aimed at striking against the forces opposed to or fighting against the government. Recently the Congress approved the Anti-Terrorist Law, which will undoubtedly increase the arbitrary measures against the population. Today the balance is negative and these are dangerous tendencies not only for Colombia but for the whole region.

It is clear that the United States and the transnational companies have increased their efforts to control the resources of the Andean region, not only in relation to the exploitation of oil. As an example, consider the plan for an inter-oceanic corridor between Tumaco, Manaos and Belem do Para, the plan for an inter-oceanic canal between Atrato and Truando and the control of the Amazon River. Their primary interest is in the control of the Amazon region, which is vital for the future of humanity; it produces 40% of the world’s oxygen supply, contains the greatest biodiversity on the planet and is also a huge source of fresh water. But above all, one must consider the extraordinary oil reserves in this region. For oil is linked with the wars that the United States is carrying out.

The Andean Regional Initiative is the second phase of Plan Colombia. It was initially presented as a strategy for Colombia, but subsequently it was presented in its true dimensions. This shows to a certain extent the reality and objectives of the United States government. What began under the guise of the fight against drug trafficking has been transformed into a fight against the peoples and against those who are opposed to the intervention and domination of the United States in these countries. President Bus h is taking advantage of any pretext for aggression and war. In relation to the military component of Plan Colombia one must remember that President Uribe, as a faithful agent of the United States government, is justifying and supporting Bush’s policies; thus he has said that Colombia’s problem is a common enemy for the democracies of the continent and that the Colombian violent groups have a destabilizing potential for all the democracies in the region.

For us this is a warning of the Pentagon’s intention to convert the military base at Alcántara, in the North East of Brazil, into a center of military operations at the service of the United States; the stationing of U.S. troops at the military base of Manta in Ecuador; the reinforcement of the land, air, and sea points of control in the region; the intention of the Southern Command to involve the states bordering Colombia in its plan for a counter-insurgency war, violating the national sovereignty and the self-determination of the peoples.

In response to the policies that the United States government is applying in Latin America, in the first place it is necessary to unite the forces and struggles of the Latin-American peoples for sovereignty, genuine democracy and human dignity.

A Verdade: The E.P.L. [People’s Liberation Army], E.L.N. [Army of National Liberation] and the F.A.R.C. [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] are the main guerrilla forces in Colombia. Is it possible to unite these forces around a program?

F.C.: I think that it is not only possible but indispensable, since it is necessary for the progress of the revolutionary movement. Only by means of unity will there be a greater strength in the forces fighting for the revolutionary transformation of the reality of the country towards a better future for the Colombians. I am convinced that all the organizations wish to advance towards greater levels of unity, keeping in mind that we face the same enemies and we have common strategic objectives, basically oriented by the same ideals. But one must recognize that there is a difference between wishes and practice; that is the truth….

A Verdade: How can you fight for freedom as a prisoner condemned to more than forty years in prison?

F.C.: I think it is possible to fight for freedom, to a greater or lesser degree, whatever the difficulties that one faces. The main thing is the will to do it…. The sentence that the Colombian State has imposed on me is an expression of its revenge; for that reason in my case the State has violated its own norms; in my case, it is not a legal but a political situation; the judges have understood it this way and it has been clear from the moment when they refused to subject me to this farce and I have denounce the immorality of the State and the incapacity of the courts to judge my conduct and my revolutionary activity. Understanding this has helped me face the situation and learn to act in accordance with my circumstances. My main interest has been not to remain on the sidelines of political reality or of my activity as a revolutionary. This requires continuous efforts to overcome the many and permanent obstacles. I am clear that the fight for my freedom is linked to the struggle that is being carried out outside of these bars by large numbers of men and women for their real freedom….

A Verdade: In November we will be commemorating 86 years since the Great Russian Socialist Revolution. In your opinion, is socialism the future of humanity?

F.C.: A Verdade has given me the opportunity to refer to two aspects of this question:

1) The disaster that took place in the Soviet Union was a very important historical fact, which some theoreticians and historians have jubilantly proclaimed as the “end of history,” as the final victory of the capitalist system over socialism. In fact, what we have seen is the complete failure of a model of society and State whose decadence was foreseeable, that it has had nothing to do with socialism for a long time. Since before the sixties, when new Marxist-Leninists organizations began to form and the division of the International Communist Movement became evident, the deviations into which the Soviet leaders had fallen were denounced, and the irreversible process of degeneration of the so-called Soviet model, as actually happened, was noted. From the moment when the end of contradictions and of the class struggle was proclaimed; when the “State of the whole people” was established; when the exercise of liberal democracy was affirmed, which drowned genuine democracy with workers’ participation; when a leading clique was installed in State power on the backs of the interests of the people; when impositions and abuses were carried out against the Communist Movement, in contradiction to proletarian internationalism, the road to the decay of the socialist system and the Soviet State was opened. The rest came as a logical consequence and did not take place from one moment to another, but over a prolonged period. The present reality shows the deep crisis of the capitalist system, the aggravation of the economic situation which continues to worsen the situation of the “developing” countries; the deepening of the social problems including more hunger, unemployment, marginalization, etc.; the proliferation of wars and armed conflicts in various regions of the planet.

2) Marxist-Leninist theory, as a scientific theory, continues its relevance, despite those who have tried and are trying to deny it or distort it, which amount to the same thing. I believe without any doubt in Marxism to orient revolutionary actions that transform society; that is to say in Marxism as guide or reference point for our actions, not as a formula or prescription. I am convinced that socialism signals a definite perspective for revolutionary changes in society. Socialism is the future of humanity, without a doubt.

Many thanks.

Francisco Caraballo

(Further information on the revolutionary life and work of Francisco Caraballo may be found in the document ‘I Am a Conscious Rebel, a Revolutionist in Consequence and a Convinced Communist’ in Revolutionary Democracy Volume III, Number 1, April 1997).

Courtesy: ‘A Verdade’, journal of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil published from Recife, Pernambuco, Brazil, February, 2004.

Translated from the original interview in Spanish by George Gruenthal.

Source

With the Workers and the Peoples in the Independent Struggle for the Revolution and Socialism

16th Seminar on the International Problems of the Revolution in Latin America

Final Statement

In Latin America the new millennium arrived with the struggle of the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples against the structural adjustment policies implemented by governments at the service of powerful local oligarchic groups and imperialist finance capital. The increasing social discontent, manifested in street mobilisations, partial and general strikes and even popular uprisings that put an end to reactionary and pro-imperialist governments, split the bourgeois institutions and accelerated the wearing out of the current model of capitalist accumulation, monitored by the centres of imperialist domination.

The fear grew among the socio-economic elites that the yearning for change and the desire to be protagonists of deep transformations was taking shape among the people. The progressive and left-wing political programmes, once seen as being obsolete and inapplicable, were embraced by the working and popular classes.

While in various countries of Latin America there are still openly right-wing governments explicitly sold out to imperialism, in others countries so-called alternative and progressive governments have emerged; in some of these, on certain occasions there have been actions of resistance towards policies of imperialism, which deserve the support of the peoples.

Recurring to their own political experience, bourgeois factions of various countries have manoeuvred to take advantage of the discontent of the masses for their own interests. They appear to make their own the programmes and proposals raised for years by the popular movement and the left-wing organisations against neo-liberalism and to achieve a sovereign development, under conditions of social fairness.

Nevertheless, the expectations and enthusiasm of the masses with those governments that promised to leave behind the past of disgrace and backwardness clash with reality when these governments carry out their real political programme and give away the natural wealth, at present mainly mines, to the foreign companies; when the foreign debt persists, although the capital comes from other imperialist centres; when popular protest is criminalised; when free trade negotiations and agreements are going ahead under different names; or, when governmental propaganda says more of what in reality is being carried out in the social sphere.

Even though discontent is arising among the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples, it is a fact that, so far, these governments have had, to a certain degree, the capacity to neutralise and contain the social mobilisation. Without a doubt, that is a fruit of the ability of ideological-political manipulation by the bourgeois factions that, with the support of imperialism, are in the government; it is due to the carrying out of social welfare and patronage policies, to the presence of authoritarian leaders as heads of government who make wide use of demagogy and populist policies; but it is also due to the existing limits in the consciousness of the masses and the weaknesses from which the revolutionary and left-wing organisations still suffer.

Under these new conditions, the struggle that the workers and revolutionary organisations are unfolding is becoming more complex, since it is relatively clearer for the masses that they must confront and fight a government that is openly right-wing and linked to foreign capital, than one that demagogically claims to promote change and to affect the interests of the rich, even though in reality it is doing nothing more than propping up the whole system of domination by capital and defending the interests of the local ruling classes and of imperialist finance capital.

For the advance of the revolutionary struggle of the peoples, it is essential to unmask and defeat these sell-out, demagogic and populist governments that are causing serious damage to the development of the popular organisation and struggle. It is necessary to combat these governments functioning on behalf of the ruling system, but by no means should we play into the interests of the other bourgeois factions of the ‘right’ The struggle of the workers and peoples, with a class independence, to win social and national liberation forces them to fight and defeat one and the other bourgeois faction.

In order to fulfill the strategic intentions that drive us, we the political organisations, movements and parties committed to leading the revolution and socialism to victory must redouble our efforts to develop the political consciousness of the masses. That is possible mainly by unleashing the struggle for their particular demands and political banners in order to unmask the true nature of those governments. It is vital to promote an intense and systematic ideological-political offensive of the revolutionary ideals among the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples; it is urgent to take advantage of all the opportunities that the bourgeois institutions allow for the political task and even to surpass these; it is necessary to persevere in the unity of the popular movement and of the political organisations of the left in order to isolate from the social movement those who, at the present time, are manipulating the yearnings for change of the peoples from positions of power.

Although, circumstantially, the populist governments have managed to partially restrain the struggle of the masses, it is certain that their material conditions of life and the historical limitations of these governments are forcing the masses to protest. Still more, the world scenario is inevitably affecting them from all sides and the sharpening of the general crisis of the capitalist system is causing the fighting response of the peoples, as can be observed in our region and in particular in Europe, with whose working class and youth we express our solidarity.

We, the organizations taking part in this 16th Seminar on the International Problems of the Revolution in Latin America, united in Quito from July 16 to 20, reiterate our internationalist duty and commitment to continue fighting for unity and solidarity among the peoples, to form – by means of concrete actions – a great anti-imperialist front. We uphold the right of the peoples to self-determination; we condemn all forms of foreign intervention and all actions of the ruling classes to thwart the will of the peoples.

The views summarised in this Statement are the result of open and democratic debate in this seminar. We present them to the world so that the workers, youth and peoples may know them.

From Quito, Ecuador, we express our commitment to continue this event and, for that reason we are convening the 17th International Seminar for next year.

Quito, July 20, 2012
Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Movement for the Popular Constituent Assembly – Colombia
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Labour of the Dominican Republic
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Revolutionary Popular Front – Mexico
Communist Party of Palestine
Communist Party of Peru – Red Fatherland
Peruvian Communist Party Marxist-Leninist
National Democratic Front – Philippines
Caribbean and Latin American Coordinator of Puerto Rico
All Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) – Russia
Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist
Gayones Movement – Venezuela
Emancipator Pedagogic Movement of Venezuela MOPEZ
Movement of Education for the Emancipation of Venezuela MEPE
Marxist-Leninist Trade Union Current – Venezuela
Ana Soto Women’s Movement of Venezuela
Preparatory Committee of Venezuela for the 23rd International Camp of Anti-Fascist and Anti-Imperialist Youth
Socialist Revolutionary University Front – Venezuela
Socialist Movement for the Quality of Life and Health – Venezuela
Democratic Popular Movement – Ecuador
Revolutionary Youth of Ecuador
Revolutionary Front of the University Left
Teachers Vanguard Front
Revolutionary Trade Union Current
Confederation of Ecuadorian Women for Change
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador

Source

Statement of the Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America

From En Marcha,
Central Organ of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
#1589, August 10-16, 2012

We have united the Marxist-Leninist Communist Parties of Latin America to discuss various points, in particular the follow-up of the situation in our respective countries and on the international plane, as well as to define the commitments stemming from the meeting. After various exchanges of opinions and discussions, we reached the following conclusions:

The crisis of the capitalist system is continuing and will get worse, in spite of all the measures that the governments in the service of finance capital and the imperialist monopolies are adopting to avert it. They are continuing to take measures that affect the working class, the working people and the people in general.

In this sense, they are continually reducing salaries and making them more precarious, carrying out massive dismissals in private enterprises and public institutions, reducing retirements and pensions, cutting budgets for education, health care, security among other areas of services to the working class and people in general; at the same time they are raising taxes on goods and services of consumption of the great majority, all in order to get money to pay the national debt and also to save from bankruptcy the private banks, which they have given thousand of million dollars and Euros taken from the working class and peoples.

The summits of the heads of government and State have taken place since 2008, to try to promote economic growth, create jobs and overcome the crisis. But despite the agreements adopted and money made available to the private banks, the awaited growth still has not taken place and more companies and banks are going bankrupt.

The governments in the service of finance capital and the imperialist monopolies are persisting in making the working class and peoples pay for the crisis.

In their eagerness to escape the crisis, finance capital and the monopolies are looking for new sources for capital accumulation, and here we must emphasize the sell-out, anti-national and anti-popular attitude of most of the governments of Latin America and the Caribbean, which are handing over the mining and natural resources of all kinds to foreign companies.

In addition to draining the resources of the people, these concessions are having a severe impact on the environment and the communities in which they are located, adding one more item for the popular indignation and revolt.

The working class, the working people, the youth and peoples do not accept these policies of the governments. In every continent the struggles of the workers and peoples in general are developing, which are taking the form of active strikes, street demonstrations and seizures of buildings, among other things.

… We stated that together with the economic crisis and its consequences, in our countries there are the repressive attitudes of the governments that criminalize protests, accusing and even punishing with jail the popular and revolutionary, trade union, educators, student neighborhood and peasant fighters, who are demonstrating in resistance to the policies and measures of the governments in office. Serious blows to public freedoms and democratic rights are taking place, which are added to the old problems from which the working class and peoples are suffering.

Faced with this general situation of the capitalist system and particularly that of our countries, our communist parties stand up for and reiterate our will to push forward the workers’ and popular struggles in general for social and political demands, as well as for democratic and revolutionary changes and for socialism.

We call upon our members to continue encouraging the organization and struggle of the oppressed and exploited, to put themselves at the head of these struggles no matter the consequence.

To the slogan of making the rich pay for the crisis, one must add the systematic denunciation of the demagogic and populist governments that conceal their servile attitude to the oligarchies and imperialism by declaring themselves left-wing and even socialist; as well, the defense of public freedoms and democratic rights, the rejection of the criminalization of protests, the demand that the governments respect the rights in those Constitutions that as a result of the popular struggles recognize important demands for the peoples, among those are the right to protest and the free unionization of the working class and working people; it is also necessary to push forward the struggles of the masses for the progressive reform of the political and social regimes by way of the Constituent Assembly, in those countries where an obsolete political and social system denying the fundamental rights of the peoples predominates.

An important place in our struggles must be given to the defense of water, the rejection of the handing over of minerals and natural resources of the people, and to solidarity with the movements are currently protest strip mining. Outstanding cases of this are the ones being developed by the peoples of Cajamarca in Peru, of Catamarca in Argentina, Oaxaca in Mexico and Cerrejon in Colombia.

We are protesting against the systematic bombings that have resulted in hundreds of dead, wounded and displaced by the Colombian army against various civilian and defenseless communities, under the pretext that they are fighting the guerrilla insurgency of the FARC, (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), the Army of National Liberation (ELN) and the Peoples Liberation Army (EPL), which have not renounced their postulates to fight together with the people for national and social liberation.

With energetic indignation, we also repudiate the coup by the Paraguayan oligarchy and Yankee imperialism against President Fernando Lugo, fact that clearly expresses their determination to depose governments who do not totally respond to their interests and aims. In Paraguay, before the Lugo’s election, during his government and after his overthrow, the peasants and workers have lived in the poverty, without access to land, health and education. We decidedly support the peasants, workers, teachers and youth in their struggle for land and the right to organize and strike, the patriots, democrats and revolutionaries who atr fighting for the social and national revolution.

As we reaffirm ourselves as communist parties, of the working class, determined to place ourselves at the front of each of their fights and of the popular sectors, with the goal to seize political power, to carry out the revolution, towards socialism, we challenge ourselves to become large parties that are, influential in the political and social life of our countries, an indispensable condition to be able to lead the revolutionary process. Therefore we call on our members to work with determination and clarity of goals within the working class and the popular masses in general, to develop the closest possible organizational links and of struggle, and to recruit from among these for our ranks the most advanced elements and dedicated to the popular and revolutionary struggle.

Ordinary meeting of the Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America

Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Labor of the Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Peru (Marxist-Leninist)
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela

Ecuador, July 2012

Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist): Alfonso Cano Falls in Combat, but the Struggle Continues


The Secretariat of the Central Staff of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – Popular Army (FARC-EP), in a statement on the last day on November 5, recognizes the death of its Commanding General, comrade Alfonso Cano.

The statement highlights the history of the FARC as a source of integrity resulting Fighter Commander Cano, story begets fortitude to take the fall in combat of his head. The staff, highlights the purpose to persist in the guerrilla struggle and popular, convinced of their victory. The statement is an unequivocal rejection of the voices that give wind up the fight of his organization and all the guerrilla movement, confronting those who want to get more graves sowing peace in our land, guided by its own militarism and warmongering of state terrorism.

In fact, we call guerrilla demobilization start failed because of certain commitments and realities of structural transformation that requires the vast majority popular in Colombia. Any political solution must take this view or is it doomed to failure.

We bow our flags before the tomb fellow commander Alfonso Cano recognition of his persistent struggle against imperialism and the oligarchy and in token of sympathy with the militants of the FARC.

In these moments of grief, a tribute to Captain Pipe, the Commander Manuel Marulanda, Raúl Reyes and Iván Ríos Mono Jojoy, as well as all the workers and popular fighters fallen in combat, you keep fighting for unity of action and popular insurgency move forcefully to the national and social liberation.

Our combative and red flags on the grave of Comrade Cano!

Death to imperialism and the oligarchy!

Fighting together, we win!

People’s Liberation Army

National Command

The Colombian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)

Central Committee

Source

PCC-ML: The Exchange of Prisoners of War

A few days after the reelection of Uribe has put on more evidence of the fragility of an illegal and illegitimate government (rejected by 73% of Colombians), fitted based on repression, lies, car bombings, paramilitary killings, extraditions, violation of fundamental economic, social and political rights, privatization, unemployment, erratic restructuring, hunger and misery.

In addition, crossed by the sharpening of the contradictions of any kind among the bourgeoisie itself, between sectors of this and imperialism and all these with the proletariat and the people, creating a situation that requires maneuvers to overcome their difficulties.

For its part, the popular sectors, forces and political organizations, democratic, progressive and revolutionary have not lowered the flag to oppose the regime, as demonstrated by the successful day of action on 26 September, which mobilized more than 350,000 people nationally and the new days as they prepare for October and November.

In this framework that the struggle for the exchange of prisoners of war, proposed by the partners of the FARC-EP and supported by broad segments of the population movements and human rights advocates nationally and internationally, although each sector owners with different interests, the fact is that the firmness in the tactics developed by the members of the FARC-EP is compounded by weaknesses in the government, which once made known the statements of the parties, we approach a chance to see achieve this objective, for the good of all prisoners, their families and the popular struggle against the warmongering, militarism and state terrorism of the “democratic security” that supports the draft Community State.

But do not confuse it with real potential, the possibility will become reality only through practical action of the people, we call upon all Democrats, liberals, patriots, revolutionaries to force the exchange through the mobilization, struggle and denunciation, to prevent the fascist Uribe and other reactionary forces continue mocking the popular desire for peace with social justice.

Viva the movement to oppose the regime!
Top Popular Unity in Latin America and the Caribbean!
Down with imperialism!
Fighting Unidos Venceremos!

Central Executive Committee
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)

PCC-ML: The Crisis and Obama

The following is a translated article from the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)/EPL; a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist Party that has been fighting an armed struggle in Colombia against the forces of reaction since the 1960s. The article “The Crisis and Obama” reflects the Marxist-Leninist sentiment of the Obama victory. Revolutionaries across the world and especially in America must realize that this victory is one in which we should hold no illusions.

THE CRISIS & OBAMA

November 18, 2008

The election of Barack Obama as president of the only superpower imperialist hits the world, primarily because it expresses the electoral defeat of a policy hated by the people and loving forces of progress and democracy that have seen state terrorism razing villages with their bombings and stifling the economies with rampant speculation, worker exploitation and plundering of the environment to squandered natural resources. They are all symbols of the Bush decade, which the defeated Republican candidate McCain sought to prolong.

The idea of “change” was strengthened with some approaches of the president-elect on issues like the Iraq war, human rights in the prison in Guantanamo and in Colombia associated with the discussion of the Free Trade Agreement, as well as the social needs of broad masses of Americans forgotten and beaten by two governments of the Republican Bush.

In similar measure, the victory of the Democrat Obama is associated with the struggles against racial discrimination which applies to global capitalism, while Barack has not been a bearer of actions of the kind that brought fame to Luther King, much less ideas of Malcolm X, both immolated, and use his victory to try to rejuvenate the people between the unworkable “American dream”. From there arise some expectations in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean.

Obama has said he does have an option to dismantle imperialism, the changes will be announced in the way of saying and doing things. The changes in attitude will have no major impact on the worldwide panorama and in Latin America he will seek a change of ways to halt the progressive, democratic and leftist tendencies which inspire our people.

Obama also has achieved a Democratic majority in Congress, the majority which approved of the imperialist aggression against Cuba and Vietnam in the government of John Kennedy, who fought socialism to death, developed the nuclear arms race and permanently navigated the seven seas of the planet with a fleet of military aggression, among other actions against the sovereignty of peoples and nations such as the “Plan Colombia” by Clinton that leaves us death and misery.

This is another political reality to affirm strongly that the election of Obama does not change the essence of Yankee imperialism in politics, much less in the economy which is already committed to the “bailout” of the Bush administration to encourage the bankers to expense the savings of the American people and keep silent about the findings of the G-20 which in essence are more of the same.

The people and their real leaders will know their advantage in aspects of the government of Obama that benefit their tactics in the struggle for social liberation and national independence, a quite different illusion with the president of an imperialist power based on reason or aspects of his speech or ethnic origin, which in the cases of the hawks Condoleezza Rice and Gen. Colin Powell led to disappointment.

We cannot forget for a moment that the various monopolies have enough experience to not make the mistake of sponsoring and promoting the president who will fight them, unless he is prepared to defend them above all else.

The determined are those class interests which move the party that chose Barack Obama relying on a special time of economic and political crisis that demanded from its people and the world the idea of “if you can change” the surface, hiding the substance remains the same.

Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)

PCC-ML: The Contradiction Between Socialism and Capitalism

Lenin in his day unraveled the existence of four fundamental contradictions, full force:

1 the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.
2 the contradiction between socialism and capitalism.
3 the contradiction between peoples and imperialism.
4 the Inter-imperialist contradictions and inter monopolists.

The solution of these contradictions lead to the defeat of imperialism and the victory of the proletarian revolution. Therefore, after the October Revolution, the revolutionary processes of self-determination of nations, national-revolutionary processes are part of the world proletarian revolution. This is one of the great discoveries of Lenin.

On this occasion we will refer only to the contradiction between socialism and capitalism.

The basic principles of the theory of the proletariat are not supra-historical. During a long historical period in which the proletariat is positioned as the most revolutionary class, also its ideology and theory are the most advanced and uniquely able to guide and ensure the great changes of society in all fields, required for building the new society, socialist society and communism.

Just as the capitalist society is governed by its principles and has its laws of development of socialist society also has its own laws and principles, from which can solve the serious contradictions of capitalist society that hinder social development and unleash the factors that determine the unstoppable progress of humanity. Socialism requires the scientific and technical development as a condition for their own advancement, but its design and purpose are totally opposed to capitalism. In socialist society, progress is an ultimate goal: the benefit of humanity, not, in essence, that of capitalism, which is profit.

Today we pay special attention to the development of historical materialism as the basis of our political theory, and intensify the struggle against bourgeois currents of thought which are grouped under the name of modernism and post-modernism and against revisionism and social democracy, and against the thesis of the so-called neo-Marxist.

Have caused much damage to Marxism-Leninism, all the distortions in his name and that of socialism has been dumped. The abandonment of the principles and the review of them have contributed a large share of confusion and demobilization.

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PCC-ML / EPL: Solidarity with the Haitian People!


SOLIDARITY WITH THE HAITIAN PEOPLE

On 12 January, an earthquake struck Haiti, followed by numerous aftershocks. This natural disaster is a real tragedy, especially for some 10 million people who are in distress by economic backwardness and misery, by the irresponsibility of builders who did not anticipate the seismic hazards. In addition to the tens of thousands of deaths, there is a dramatic situation in humanitarian terms, food and health.

Following the earthquake, the U.S. has reinforced the occupation that began in 1925 with more than 5 thousand troops to join the troops of “stabilization” of the UN. This is how the Marines control the capital’s airport, decide which aircraft can land, direct traffic, dealing with “public order”, ie govern Haiti and “president” (René Préval), barely mentioned. The situation is so outrageous that has been rejected by various governments.

But chaos and disorder are obvious: The only aid are arriving in the rich neighborhoods (according to reports from international journalists), there is no monitoring of aid and its distribution and the occupation forces shoot to kill and beat people because call for help, many have already decided the pillage of warehouses run by profiteers and those who want to position themselves to take dividends from any reconstruction of the devastated Port au Prince.

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PC de C (M-L) & EPL on the death of Manuel Marulanda of the FARC-EP

Manuel Marulanda is a deceased leader of the FARC-EP in Colombia. In March 2006, Alberto Gonzales, the theocratic crypto-fascist Attorney General of the United States, announced in conjunction with Drug Enforcement Administration and United States Department of Justice officials that the US State Department had placed a $5 million dollar reward on Marulanda’s head or for information leading to his capture.

But “Tirofijo” (Spanish: Surefire or Sureshot) was never apprehended, and died of a heart attack on March 26, 2008. He was replaced as commander-in-chief by ‘Alfonso Cano’.

— Espresso Stalinist

¡Manuel Marulanda vive!

The inevitable effect of decades of dedicated and non-stop delivery leaves a painful and important low: the physical absence of a great legend who symbolize the guerrilla struggle in Colombia fair. The 60-year armed struggle of the legendary guerrilla commander Manuel Marulanda, are confirmed with the recent anniversary 44 of the FARC-EP guerrilla organization which is the founder and architect.

Comrade Alfonso Cano, the General Staff, to all commanders and fighters farianos, the Clandestine Communist Party militants and relatives of Comrade Manuel, we extend our condolences and solidarity expressed the firm determination, both the Communist Party Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and the PLA head-to continue to fight side by side with you against the regime, by the defeat of Álvaro Uribe and his unpopular plans, pro-imperialist and warmongering, the humanitarian agreement and a political solution to the conflict, for popular power and socialism. We believe that this is the best way to honor the memory of the exemplary soldier until forever: Manuel Marulanda.

Excerpts from the statement of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and the People’s Liberation Army, EPL. Colombia, May 27, 2008.

Video: EPL Guerrilla on the Massacre of 16 of May, 1998




Profile of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and Popular Liberation Army (EPL)




The Ejercito Popular de Liberacion (EPL), or Popular Liberation Army, was founded on December the 17th, 1967, as the armed wing of the Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist (PCC-ML), a Maoist and then Hoxhaist split from the pro-Soviet Communist Party of Colombia founded in July, 1965. The Popular Liberation Army is considered the third largest guerrilla group in size after the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) and National Liberation Army (ELN). Little information is available about the struggle of the PCC-ML and the EPL. The author has compiled this information about the party’s struggles and history of brave resistance to imperialism, neo-colonialism and the fascist Colombian government.

Colombia is a bourgeois pro-imperialist state where the rights of the people are trampled, and they are thus forced to take up arms. The Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) was formed as a revolutionary party and has provided the political leadership of the EPL since it was constituted. The EPL is a guerrilla army based on the people and operating in rural Colombia.

In the 1970s the organization developed support from the working class and peasantry among banana plantations and peasant colonos. It was originally loyal to Maoism but became pro-Albania Hoxhaist in the 1970s. The EPL based its actions on guerrilla warfare, education of the peasant class and the creation of an army for the masses. It started its military activity on the borders between Cordoba and Antioquia, a traditional refuge area for guerrillas during La Violencia.

The EPL’s leaders included Francisco Caraballo, Jaime Fajardo, Bernardo Ferreira Grandet, Amanda Ramírez and Rafael Vergara Navarro. Their standard weapons included rifles, shotguns, revolvers machetes and occasionally explosives. At their peak, before a series of military defeats by the Colombian army and paramilitary groups, they also had influence in the regions of Alto Sinu and San Jorge, extending into regions of Bajo Cauca and Urabá.

At its zenith, the EPL boasted about several thousand fighters, most of whom were peasants and intellectuals. In the decades-long conflict that followed, EPL would sacrifice the lives of over three thousand of its members, these casualties including the deaths of great leaders like Carlos Pizarro, Luis Carlos Galan, Oscar William Calvo, Ernesto Rojas, Bernardo Jaramillo, Jaime Pardo, José Antequera and many others in the struggle for Marxism-Leninism, socialism, the class struggle and the Colombian proletariat.

A former government minister, Rafael Prado, was assassinated by the EPL in September 1978. AUC paramilitaries attacked the EPL’s social and political bases after the government sent forces to counter the guerrillas. There was fighting against the EPL’s most powerful fronts, and in the locations of the fighting there were recorded massacres of peasants, supporters and some of the commanders.

In one typical raid, Colombian forces captured $5 billion pesos, 60 real estate deeds, 389 securities such as bills of exchange, checks, life insurance, leases, exchanges, purchases and ledgers the organization as well as confidential reports. In another, five microwave ovens, a compressor, an electric saw, a drill, a polisher, a riveter, three electricity generators, metallic tubes, containers and 800 gallons of ethanol.

After an intense decades-long armed conflict with the widely-deployed EPL guerrillas, paramilitaries, law enforcement and other sectors began the overflow of a “dirty war” into the countryside, accusing the EPL, ELN and FARC-EP of terrorism. What analysts called the “crisis in the crisis” occurred in the late 80’s and there were true expressions of civil war and lawlessness.

The EPL’s cadres universally met with harsh repression and were usually killed rather than arrested. One example was EPL leader Jesus Chiquito Becerra, alias “Leytor,” who had eight warrants for crimes of terrorism, rebellion and extortion, and also had four outstanding prison sentences: two of 35 years for kidnapping and extortion and two of 29 and 27 years for various other offenses. In 1975 Pedro León Arboleda was killed and a number of other important leaders were arrested. Still, by 1978 there was be a revival of the guerrillas in the northwest (Antioquia and Cordoba).

The party began to make a break with Maoism during the Sino-Albanian split in the 1970s, and by the 11th Congress of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) in 1980, the party has completely abandoned Maoism, saying that it over-emphasized the role of the peasantry and underestimated the role of the proletariat in political work.

Their conclusions read: “The Maoist concept of protracted people’s war, on the centralization of work in the countryside to encircle the cities, involved taking in practice the field as the work setting and not the areas of greatest industrial development.” Instead, they decided to emphasize the idea of “[forming] an army of professional fighters to coexist in large agribusiness and even in large urban industrial centers.” The party had a tradition from the early 1970s of being in the cities.

The EPL chose to participate in the 1984 peace talks and cease-fire along with FARC-EP and ELN on August 23, 1984, but it refused to sign a peace agreement. As in the case of FARC, this was cleverly used to expand into new regions and increase the number of combatants and of fronts.

In the second half of 1985, after the seizing of the Palace of Justice by fellow guerrilla group M-19 and the breaking of the cease-fire with the murder of its negotiator, Oscar William Calvo, and of its leader, Ernesto Rojas, the organization ignored the cease-fire and EPL military action resumed.

The EPL was frequently attacked by the Colombian armed forces and right-wing paramilitary groups, the former affecting their military structure and their social and political bases. From 1988 the battle in Córdoba and Urabá intensified against the most powerful and fronts of the EPL.

President Alvaro Uribe gave the order to annihilate the EPL, and the regions where they were active were kept on edge for years afterward. The group has managed to establish support networks that have allowed them to resist any military movement. Hence, they have been kept alive despite the ongoing military operations against them.

In late 1990, the EPL began to negotiate their demobilization, as it was severely beaten by Colombian military forces and paramilitary groups. In 1991-1994, a large section of the EPL, 2,556 fighters, abandoned armed struggle, some of whom formed the now-defunct group “Esperanza Paz y Libertad,” whose members were later executed as deserters.

The section under Francisco Caraballo opposed the demobilization of the EPL in 1991 and continues to support the section of the EPL still fighting. The EPL kidnapped former Algerian minister Durán Quintero during the peace talks in Tlaxcala. During the captivity, Duran suffered a heart attack and died. After publication of the death of the former minister, the episode led to the breakdown of peace talks.

EPL fighter surrendering weapons during peace talks in the early 1990's

The peace process with the EPL reflected in the reduction of violence in some of the areas under their control. The total reduction of revolutionary violence, however, was not attained by the government thanks to the efforts modern EPL commander Francisco Caraballo.

The EPL guerrillas, according to official data, became a kind of “Robin Hood” structure of the region. It continued to remain relevant to the practice of its commanders: that is, sharing with the farmers the money and land obtained by the group in their liberated areas. The EPL also worked to participate in local unions and worker’s rights groups.

This situation put the Colombian military at a disadvantage, as the EPL, through this method, was fed intelligence by the locals and had advanced knowledge of any troop movement.

As of 1995 the EPL consisted of thirteen different fronts, each named after a leader, commander or martyr. These included Aldemar Londoño Front, Virgilio Enrique Rodriguez Front, Oscar William Calvo Front, Pedro León Arboleda Front, Hernando Vasquez Pedro Rendón Front, Elkin González Vásquez Front, Bernardo Franco Front.

The EPL continues operating under the command of leader Francisco Caraballo. Its military activity is concentrated in Antioquia, Caldas, North Santander and Guajira and is in coordination with the FARC-EP and ELN groups.

A sample of the union between the FARC and EPL occurred in the attack in Hacarí (Norte de Santander) on a military patrol on 20 April in 2006. It killed six soldiers and 10 officers of the Department of Administrative Security, DAS. This was led by EPL leader Víctor Ramón Navarro, alias “Megateo.”


Repression against the surviving branches of the EPL continues to this day. On Jan. 25, 2010, police in the eastern Colombian city of Cucuta arrested Jesus Villalba Torres, alias “Carmelo,” suspected of being head of the Libardo Mora Toro front of the Popular Liberation Army and of being responsible for the killing of sixteen policemen who died when guerrillas blew up their truck. “Carmelo” was charged with rebellion, the production and trafficking of cocaine, kidnapping, extortion and homicide.

Francisco Caraballo is First Secretary of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and commander of the People’s Army of Liberation. He has been re-elected leader of the Party and is also spokesperson for the EPL. In 1994 he was caught on a farm in the municipality of Cajicá with his wife and son by the Thirteenth Brigade of the National Army of Colombia. Caraballo was sentenced to 38 years in prison for rebellion, kidnapping and terrorism. He was also sentenced to 29 years for kidnapping Turbay Beatriz Elena and army major Yepes Luis Demetrio in 1992 and 1994. He was imprisoned in the high security jail at Itagui outside Medellin.

Francisco Caraballo

Due to pressure from an international campaign, on April 2008, Caraballo was freed from prison on parole after serving 14 years of his sentence. He was sent to the “Peace House” in Medellín with two former leaders of the ELN. Despite this, he is still the leader of the PCC-ML and the EPL, which remains hidden in the cities and countryside of Colombia.

The EPL’s tenacity and the intransigence of its remaining leaders makes it a force that cannot be easily dismissed.

EPL guerrillas holding a PCMLE flag.

The Colombian Revolution, which is led by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), National Liberation Army (ELN) and Communist Party of Colombia/ML (PCC-ML & EPL), progressed through combining with general strike actions of urban toilers and the working class in recent years. Revolutionary struggle, despite the fascist attacks of USA and Colombian reaction and the massacres of death squads, did not only maintain its existence but also increased its mass support.

These forces prevented the USA from conducting “Plan Colombia,” which consists of crushing the revolution directly with its military forces through occupying Colombia. After September 11th, while US bandits increase the threat of “Plan Colombia”, the Colombian Revolution grows, challenging USA and its servants.

PROLETARIANS OF ALL COUNTRIES UNITE!
LONG LIVE FRANCISCO CARABALLO!
LONG LIVE THE GLORIOUS EPL!

From the Popular Liberation Army of Colombia (EPL): 40 Years of Struggle for Revolution and Socialism

40 years of struggle for revolution and socialism

EPL:

Published: February 13, 2008

40 years ago, the December 17, 1967, is born full of revolutionary optimism, confident of the future Socialist Colombia, Latin America and the Caribbean and humanity, the Popular Liberation Army of Colombia EPL.

40 years ago, the December 17, 1967, was born to lead the revolutionary armed struggle in northeastern Colombia, the Popular Liberation Army (PLA), led by the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist), and under the command comrade and commander Francisco Caraballo.

As pointed out by the PLA in its statement: “I was born in that corner of the country the revolutionary armed struggle led by the party of the proletariat as an essential component in the struggle for making and exercise of political power by the proletariat and the people, the overthrow of the pro-imperialist bourgeois state, and establish a popular democratic state with achieving the strategic objective of the democratic revolution, imperialism, up to socialism. ”

In Colombia and in Latin America, the struggle of people against looting imposed by imperialism and the native oligarchy progressed, was present as an example of dignity, the revolutionary triumph of the Cuban people and their heroic resistance to the aggression and the criminal economic blockade, the courageous response of the Arab peoples “with the Palestinian people to head to the fascist invasion of Israel, the struggle of the Vietnamese people, who defeated and humiliated the most powerful military powers, U.S. imperialism , and is, in the framework of universal military-political upheaval, which is the Popular Liberation Army of Colombia, which, as indicated in his statement, “is born full of revolutionary optimism, confident of the future Socialist Colombia, Latin America and Caribbean and humanity ”

The strength and ideological unity within their ranks, has made it able to withstand the onslaught of the class enemy and those who within their ranks were broken as the now defunct group opportunistic “Hope, Peace and Freedom” that late eighties abandoned the revolution and began to serve the enemies of the people.

This steadiness and leadership attributes of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and the Popular Liberation Army, were allowed, as indicated, be an incorruptible force that has faced the toughest military, political and ideological “without morals and determination to fight has been broken,” firmness has not stopped “taking their political flexibility to armed conflict, political, social and fight for democratic space for people’s struggle” and its dedication to unit effort of construction and development of the Simon Bolivar Guerrilla Coordinator.

Comforts the world revolutionary movement and the PLA’s commitment to stay, “even in the midst of all sorts of difficulties and the siege of the enemy (…) revolutionary vitality firm and continuing to address this and move building structures in the countryside and the city ”

“The PLA reaches his 40 years of life diminished in quantity, but with the backing of the ideological and political strength of their leaders and commanders of the different lines.”

Our Party and the revolutionary movement in America and the world, presents this 40 th anniversary of the PLA and its commitment to advance the revolutionary perspective, looking at the future with optimism that honors the fallen in battle as the commander Ernesto Rojas and the thousands of prisoners of war found in the dungeons of the regime, without renouncing their revolutionary beliefs.

40 Years – Viva EPL!

–Freedom Fighter Francisco Caraballo, leader of PCdeC (ml) and Commander of the PLA