Category Archives: Salvador Allende

Enver Hoxha on Salvador Allende: The Tragic Events in Chile – A Lesson for the Revolutionaries of the Whole World

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Article published in the newspaper “Zeri i popullit”
October 2, 1973

In Chile the counter-revolutionary storm continues to rage against the working masses, the patriots and fighters of that country. The rightist forces which seized power as a result of the September 11 coup d’état have established a reign of terror which even the Hitlerites would have envied. People are being ruthlessly murdered and massacred everywhere, in the streets or at work, without trial, and on any pretext. The sports stadiums have been transformed into concentration camps. Progressive culture is being trampled underfoot. Marxist books are being burnt in bonfires in the squares, nazi style. While the democratic parties, trade-unions, and democratic organizations have been outlawed, mediaeval obscurantism is spreading over the whole country. The most fanatical, ultra-reactionary forces of darkness, the agents of American imperialism are strutting on the political stage. The democratic freedoms which the people had won through struggle and bloodshed were wiped out within one day.

The events in Chile affect not only the Chilean people, but all the revolutionary, progressive and peace-loving forces of the world, therefore, the revolutionaries and the working people not only of Chile, but also of other countries, ought to draw conclusions from these events. Of course, we are not talking of an analysis of purely national details and aspects, or of specific actions, shortcomings or mistakes of the Chilean revolution, which do not go beyond the internal framework of this revolution. We are speaking of those universal laws which no revolution can avoid and which every revolution is obliged to apply. The problem is to examine and assess in the light of the events in Chile which views proved correct and which distorted on the issues of the theory and practice of the revolution, to verify which theses are revolutionary and which are opportunist, and to determine which attitudes and actions assist the revolution and which assist the counter-revolution.

In the first place, it must be said that the period during which the Allende government remained in power is not a period which can easily be erased from the life of the Chilean people or from the whole history of Latin America. Interpreting the demands and wishes of the broadest popular masses, the Popular Unity government adopted a series of measures and carried out a number of reforms which were intended to strengthen the national freedom and independence of the country and the independent development of its .economy.

This government struck heavy blows at the local oligarchy and the American monopolies which held all the key positions and were making the law in the country. The inspirer of this progressive and anti-imperialist course was President Allende, one of the noblest figures to emerge from Latin America, an outstanding patriot and democratic fighter. Under his leadership the Chilean people struggled for the land reform, struggled for the nationalization of foreign companies, struggled for the democratization of the life of the country and for the freedom of Chile from American influence. Allende strongly supported the anti-imperialist liberation movements in Latin America and made his country an asylum for all the freedom fighters persecuted by the thugs and military juntas of Latin America. He gave the peoples’ liberation and anti-imperialist movements his unreserved support and was in full solidarity with the struggle of the Vietnamese, Cambodian, Palestinian and other peoples.

Could the big Chilean landowners, who saw their estates distributed to the poor peasants, forgive him for pursuing this course and this activity? Could the manufacturers of Santiago, who were expelled from their nationalized plants, tolerate this? Or the American companies which lost their power? It was certain that one day they would unite to overthrow him and regain their lost privileges. Here a natural question arises: Was Allende aware of the atmosphere which surrounded him, did he see the conspiracies being hatched up .against him? Of course, he did. Reaction operated openly. It assassinated cabinet ministers, functionaries of government parties and rank-and-file officials. It instigated and directed the organization of the counter-revolutionary strikes of the truck drivers; merchants, doctors and other petty-bourgeois strata. Finally it tried its strength in the military coup in June, which proved abortive. Several plans of the CIA for the overthrow of the lawful government were discovered.

These attacks by internal and external reaction would have been sufficient to sound the alarm and make Allende reflect. They would have been ample reason to implement the great law of every revolution, that counter-revolutionary violence must be opposed with revolutionary violence. But President Allende did nothing, made no move. Certainly, he cannot be accused of lack of ideals. He loved the cause for which he fought with all his heart and, to the end, he believed in the justice of that cause. He did not lack personal courage and was ready to make, and did in fact make, the supreme sacrifice. But his tragedy was that he believed he could convince the reactionary forces through reason to give up their activity and relinquish their past positions and privileges of their own good will.

In Chile it was believed that the relatively old-established democratic traditions, parliament, the legal activity of political parties, the existence of a free press, etc., were an insurmountable obstacle to any reactionary force which might attempt to seize power by violence. The reality, however, proved the opposite. The coup d’état of the rightist forces proved that the bourgeoisie will tolerate certain freedoms just so long as its essential interests are not affected, but when it sees that these interests are threatened, it is no longer concerned about ethics.

The revolutionary and progressive forces in Chile have suffered a defeat. This is very serious, but temporary. A constitutional government may be overthrown, thousands of people may be killed and scores of concentration camps set up, but the spirit of freedom, the people’s spirit of revolt, can be neither killed nor imprisoned. The people are resisting, and this proves that the working masses are not reconciled to defeat, that they are determined to draw conclusions from this and to advance on the revolutionary road. The liberation struggle against reaction and imperialism has its zigzags, its ups and downs. There is no doubt that the Chilean people who have given so many proofs of their lofty patriotism, who have displayed such love for freedom and justice, and who hate imperialism and reaction so profoundly, will know how to mobilize their forces and fight the enemies blow for blow to ensure the final victory for themselves.

For the Chilean people this is a grave, although temporary, misfortune, but for the modern revisionists it constitutes an all-round defeat, a complete overturning of their opportunist theories. All the revisionists, from those of Moscow to those of Italy, France and elsewhere, presented the “Chilean experience” as a concrete example which proved their “new theories” about the “peaceful road of the revolution”, the transition to socialism under the leadership of many parties, the moderation of the nature of imperialism, the dying out of the class struggle in the conditions of peaceful coexistence, etc. The revisionist press made great play with the “Chilean road” in order to advertise the opportunist theses of the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the reformist and utopian programs of the Togliattist type.

From the “Chilean experience” the revisionists expected not only confirmation of their “theories” about “the parliamentary road”, but also a “classical” example of the building of socialism under the leadership of a coalition of Marxist and bourgeois parties. They expected confirmation of their thesis that the transition to socialism is possible through parliamentary elections and without revolution, that socialism can be built, not only without smashing the old state apparatus of the bourgeoisie, but even with its aid, not only without establishing the revolutionary people’s power, but by negating it.

The theories of “peaceful coexistence” and the “peace.ful parliamentary road”, propounded by the Soviet revisionists, in the first place, and by the Italian and French revisionists and their other supporters, are responsible to a very considerable extent for the spread of pacifist illusions and opportunist stands towards the bourgeoisie and deviation from the revolutionary struggle.

All the programmatic documents which the Western revisionist parties have adopted since the 20th Congress of the CPSU, absolutize the “parliamentary road” of transition from capitalism to socialism, while the non-peaceful road is definitely excluded. In practice this has brought about that these parties have finally renounced the revolutionary struggle and strive for ordinary reforms of a narrow economic or administrative character. They have turned into bourgeois opposition parties and have offered to undertake the administration of the wealth of the bourgeoisie, just as the old social-democratic parties have done hitherto.

The Communist Party of Chile, which was one of the main forces of the Allende government, fervently adhered to the Khrushchevite theses of “peaceful transition”, both in theory and practice. Following instructions from Moscow, it claimed that the national bourgeoisie and imperialism had now been tamed, had become tolerant and reasonable, and that in the new class conditions, allegedly created by the present-day world development, they were no longer able to go over to counter-revolution.

However, as the case of Chile proved once again these and similar theories make the working masses irresolute and disorientated, weaken their revolutionary spirit, and keep them immobilized in the face of the threats of the bourgeoisie, paralyse their capacity and make it impossible for them to carry out decisive revolutionary actions against the counter-revolutionary plans and actions of the bourgeoisie.

As the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties had predicted and as time confirmed, the revisionists were against the revolution and aimed to turn the Soviet Union, as they did, into a capitalist country, from a base of the revolution into a base of counter-revolution. They worked for a very long time to sow confusion in the ranks of the revolutionaries and undermine the revolution. Everywhere and at every moment they have acted to extinguish the flames of revolutionary battles and national liberation struggles. Although for demagogical purposes they pretend to be for the revolution, with their views and activities the revisionists try to nip it in the bud or sabotage it when it bursts out.

Their deviation from Marxism-Leninism, their abandonment of the class interests of the proletariat, their betrayal of the cause of national liberation of the peoples, has led the revisionists to complete denial of the revolution. For them, the theory and practice of the revolution have been reduced to a few reformist demands, which can be met within the framework of the capitalist order, without affecting its basis. The revisionists try to prove that the dividing line between the revolution and reforms has been wiped out, that in today’s conditions of world development there is no longer any need for a revolutionary overthrow, because, they allege, the present technical-scientific revolution is doing away with the social class contradictions of bourgeois society, is allegedly a means for the integration of capitalism into socialism, a means to create a “new society” of prosperity for all. Thus; according to this confusing logic, one can no longer speak about exploiters and exploited, hence according to them, social revolution, the smashing of the bourgeois state machine and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat become unnecessary.

Under the mask of Leninism and its creative development the revisionists aimed at world domination, turning themselves into social-imperialists. They began with Khrushchevite “peaceful coexistence”, with “peaceful competition”, with “a world without weapons and without wars”, with the “parliamentary road”, etc., and ended up with the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union and the degeneration of socialism into social-imperialism.

Hence, they were against the revolution and the struggle of the peoples for liberation, and were against the communist parties which remained loyal to and defended Marxism-Leninism. In order to achieve their aims, especially the extinguishing of liberation struggles and revolutionary movements, the revisionists made the “peaceful road” the foundation of their “theory”. By revising the fundamental question of Marxism, such as the theory of revolution, and propagating their opportunist theses, they wanted to convince the workers to give up their revolutionary class struggle, to submit to the bourgeoisie and accept capitalist slavery.

On the other hand, “peaceful coexistence”, which the Soviet leaders proclaimed as the fundamental line of their foreign policy and which they wanted to impose on the whole world communist and national liberation movement, was a complete strategic plan to reach a broad agreement with imperialism, to strangle the revolutionary movements and to quell the liberation struggles, to preserve and extend their spheres of influence. The revisionists wanted to use, and did in fact use, this kind of “coexistence”, which was entirely suitable to imperialism and the bourgeoisie, as a great diversion to disarm the masses ideologically and politically, to blunt their revolutionary vigilance and immobilize them, to leave them defenceless in face of future attacks of the imperialists and social-imperialists.

The Soviet revisionists, as well as the other revisionists who managed to usurp state power, destroyed the party by stripping it of its revolutionary theory, rejected and trampled underfoot all the Leninist norms, and paved the way to liberalism and degeneration in the country. In spreading their anti-Marxist theses that “capitalism is being integrated into socialism”, that “non proletarian parties, too, can be the bearers of the ideals of socialism and leaders of the struggle for socialism”, that “even those countries where the national bourgeoisie is in power are moving towards socialism”, the revisionists not only aimed to deny the theory of the vanguard party of the working class, but also wanted to leave the working class without leadership in the face of the organized attacks of the bourgeoisie and reaction.

History has proved, and the events in Chile, where it was not yet a question of socialism but of a democratic regime, again made clear, that the establishment of socialism through the parliamentary road is utterly impossible. In the first place, it must be said that up till now it has never happened that the bourgeoisie has allowed the communists to win a majority in parliament and form their own government. Even in the occasional instance where the communists and their allies have managed to ensure a balance in their favour in parliament and enter the government; this has not led to any change in the bourgeois character of the parliament or the government, and their action has never gone so far as to smash the old state machine and establish a new one.

In the conditions when the bourgeoisie controls the bureaucratic-administrative apparatus, securing a “parliamentary majority” that would change the destiny of the country is not only impossible but also unreliable. The main parts of the bourgeois state machine are the political and economic power and the armed forces. As long as these forces remain intact, i.e., as long as they have not been dissolved and new forces created in their stead, as long as the old apparatus of the police, the secret intelligence services, etc.; is retained, there is no guarantee that a parliament or a democratic government will be able to last long; Not only the case of Chile, but many others have proved that the counter-revolutionary coups d’état have been carried out precisely by the armed forces commanded by the bourgeoisie.

The Khrushchevite revisionists have deliberately created great confusion concerning Lenin’s very clear and precise theses on the participation of communists in the bourgeois parliament and on the seizure of state power from the bourgeoisie. It is known that Lenin did not deny the participation of the communists in the bourgeois parliament at certain moments. But he considered this participation only as at tribune to defend the interests of the working class, to expose the bourgeoisie and its state power, to force the bourgeoisie to take some measure in favour of the working people. At the same time, however, Lenin warned that, while fighting to make use of parliament in the interests of the working class, one should guard against the creation of parliamentary illusions, the fraud of bourgeois parliamentarianism.

“Participation in the bourgeois parliament,” said Lenin, “is necessary for the party of the revolutionary proletariat to enlighten the masses, enlightenment which is achieved through elections and the struggle of the parties in the parliament. But to limit the class struggle to the struggle within the parliament, or to consider this struggle as the ultimate, the decisive form, to which all other forms of struggle are subordinate, means in fact to go over to the side of the bourgeoisie, against the proletariat.” V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 30, pp. 304-305 (Alb. ed.).

Criticizing the “parliamentary cretinism” of the representatives of the Second International, who turned their parties into electoral parties, Lenin clearly showed where parliamentarianism leads to in ideology, policy and practice. He stressed that,

“the proletarian state (the dictatorship of the proletariat) cannot replace it through its gradual withering away, but as a general rule, only through violent revolution.”  V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 473 (Alb. ed.).

He stressed that

“the need to systematically educate the masses with this idea, and precisely this idea of violent revolution, is the basis of the entire doctrine of Marx and Engels.” Ibidem.

By still advocating the “parliamentary road”, the modern revisionists are simply blindly following the course of Kautsky and company. But the further they proceed on this course, the more they expose themselves and the more defeats they suffer. The whole history of the international communist and worker movement has proved that violent revolution, the smashing of the bourgeois state machine and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, constitute the universal law of proletarian revolution.

“The advance, that is, towards communism,” Lenin stressed, “runs through the dictatorship of the proletariat and it cannot follow any other course, because there is no other class and no other way to smash the resistance of the capitalist exploiters.” Ibidem, p. 548.

In the stage off imperialism, both at its commencement and now, too, the danger of the establishment of a fascist military dictatorship whenever the capitalist monopolies think that their interests are threatened always exists. Moreover, it has been proved, especially from the end of the Second World War to this day, that American imperialism, British imperialism and others have gone to the assistance of the bourgeoisie of various countries to eliminate those governments or to suppress those revolutionary forces which, in one way or another, offer even the slightest threat to the foundations of the capitalist system.

As long as imperialism exists, there still exists the basis and possibility for, and its unchangeable policy of, interference in the internal affairs of other countries, counter-revolutionary plots, the overthrow of lawful governments, the liquidation of democratic and progressive forces, and the strangling of the revolution.

It is American imperialism which props up the fascist regimes in Spain and Portugal, which incites the revival of German fascism and Japanese militarism, which supports the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia and keeps up the discrimination against the black people in its own country. It is American imperialism that helps the reactionary regimes of South Korea and the Saigon and Pnom Penh puppets, which has instigated the Zionist aggression and helps Israel to maintain its occupation of the Arab territories. All the furious winds of anti-communism, national oppression and capitalist exploitation blow from the United States of America. Throughout Latin America, with some rare exceptions, American imperialism has established tyrannical fascist regimes, which mercilessly suppress and exploit the people. On that continent, all the weapons used against demonstrations, the weapons which kill the workers and peasants, are made in the United States and supplied by it.

The fascist military coup in Chile is not the deed of local reaction alone, but also of imperialism. For three years on end, during the whole time President Allende was in power, the Chilean rightist forces were incited, organized and encouraged in their counter-revolutionary activity by the United States. Chilean reaction and the American monopolies took revenge against President Allende for the progressive and anti-imperialist policy he followed. The undermining activity of the right-wing parties and all the reactionary forces, their acts of violence and terror were closely coordinated with the pressures exerted from outside by the American monopolies, with the economic blockade and the political struggle the American government waged against Chile. Behind the military junta was the CIA, the same criminal hand that had carried out so many coups d’état in Latin America, Indonesia, Iran, etc. The events in Chile once again revealed the true face of American imperialism. They proved once more that American imperialism remains a rabid enemy of all the .peoples, a savage enemy of justice and progress; of struggles for freedom and independence, of the revolution and socialism.

But the counter-revolution in Chile is a deed not only of the avowedly reactionary forces and the American imperialists. The Allende government was .also sabotaged and savagely opposed by the Christian-democratic and other factions of the bourgeoisie, so-called radical democratic forces similar to those together with which the communist parties of Italy and France claim that they will advance to socialism through reforms and the peaceful parliamentary road. The Frey party in, Chile does not bear only “intellectual responsibility”, as some claim, because it refused to collaborate with the Allende government, or because it was lacking in loyalty to the legal government. It bears responsibility also because it used all possible means .to sabotage the normal activity of the government, because it united with the forces of the Right to undermine the nationalized economy and to create confusion in the country, because it perpetrated a thousand and one acts of subversion. It fought to create that spiritual and political climate that was the prelude to the counter-revolution.

The Soviet revisionists, too, were implicated in the events in Chile. A thousand threads link the Soviet leaders in intrigues and plots with American imperialism. They did not intend or desire to help the Allende government when it was in power, because this would have brought them into conflict and damaged their cordial relations with American imperialism.

These stands of the Khrushchevite revisionists towards Chile and the theory of revolution had been confirmed before the Chilean events. They had been confirmed in the repeated tragic events in Iran: while the local reaction was killing and imprisoning hundreds and thousands of communists and progressive revolutionaries, the Soviet revisionists did not lift a finger, let alone severe diplomatic relations! These stands were confirmed in the shocking events in Indonesia, where about 500,000 communists and progressives were killed and massacred. Once again the Soviet revisionists did nothing, took no action and did not consider withdrawing their embassy from Djakarta. [1] These stands of the Soviet revisionists are not accidental. They testify to the existence of a secret collaboration with the American Imperialists to sabotage the revolutionary movements and to put down the peoples’ liberation struggles.

This stand sheds light on the demagogic character of the much publicized severance of diplomatic relations with Chile now.

Such is the reality. The fine words about their alleged solidarity with the Chilean people, like all their other demagogic catch-cries, are simply to deceive public opinion and to conceal their betrayal of the revolution and the peoples’ liberation movements.

The Soviet government severed diplomatic relations with Chile in order to exploit the opportunity to pose as a supporter of the victims of reaction, as if it is on the side of those who struggle for freedom and independence and the revisionists are defenders of progressive regimes. The Soviet revisionists help any progressive regime just so long as this assists their imperialist interests. But they go no further. Indeed, they are not ashamed to maintain regular diplomatic ties with such a discredited and bankrupt regime as that of Lon Nol, while they keep silent about such a great liberation struggle as that of the Cambodian people.

The events in Chile once again revealed all of the grave tragedy the peoples of Latin America are experiencing. Likewise, they brought to light again the shortcomings, limitations and weaknesses of the revolution on that continent, the very great difficulties and hardships it is undergoing. But they provide a lesson not only for the revolutionaries of Latin America. All the revolutionaries of the world, all those who fight for national and social liberation against imperialist interference and violence, for democracy and the progress of mankind should draw lessons from them. This includes the revolutionaries of the Soviet Union, who must rise against the revisionist rulers and overthrow them along with all their opportunist and anti-Leninist theories. Likewise, the revolutionaries of Italy, France and other developed capitalist countries ought to draw lessons from the Chilean events, and fight revisionism resolutely, rejecting the reactionary theories of the “peaceful parliamentary roads” which the Togliattists and the other revisionists propagate.

We believe that the events in Chile, the fascist attack of reaction against the democratic victories of the Chilean people, the brutal interference of American imperialism and its support for the military junta will encourage all the peoples of the world to be vigilant, to resolutely reject the demagogic slogans of the imperialists, revisionists and opportunists of every hue, and mobilize all their forces in courageous defence of their national freedom and independence, peace and security.

[1] The Soviet revisionists expelled the correspondent of “Harjan Rakjat”, organ of the CP of Indonesia, from the Soviet Union and welcomed the visit of Adam Malik, then foreign minister of the Indonesian fascist regime. They also continued to supply Soviet weapons to Indonesia.

“Against Modern Revisionism
1971-1975”
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Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action) – Reformism: the Gateway to Fascism

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Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action)
Eduardo Artes
August, 1998

Some factors to explain the defeat of September 11, 1973 and to advance towards victory.

On the eve of the 25th anniversary of the fascist military coup of September 11, every social class, even some class sectors. through their organizations, ranging from the bourgeois Armed Forces to the political parties, including our Communist Party (Proletarian Action) [PC(AP)], as well as churches, express their evaluations, draw their conclusions and point out the paths forward according to their own class interests.

The fascist military coup that took place in Chile in 1973 was not just one more of the countless ones in the history of Latin America and the world. It has special significance, not only for its great brutality but also for the long duration of fascist rule and the characteristic reordering of capitalist oppression and exploitation in Chile, at the demand of yankee imperialism and its local partners. For us, and this is the goal of the present paper, this holds many vivid lessons for the workers and popular movement and the outcome of their struggle, depending on the ideas that guide their practice.

Given the low level of the existing ideological debate, we do not want to be misunderstood or to confuse anyone about the truly proletarian and revolutionary character of our analysis. As has been proven by our tireless practice, we want to first express a well-deserved tribute to all the victims of fascism, to all the fighters who fell in the defense or construction of their trade unions, popular organizations, on the neighborhood barricades, in the armed confrontation, to all those who fought resolutely against the coup itself as well as against the fascist dictatorship. In honoring them, no matter how hard it might be for some to admit the communist truth, we cannot stop putting forth widely our Marxist-Leninist opinion of the main, i.e. the internal factor (of the popular movement), that led the working class and the people to the defeat, to the massacre, to confront the reactionaries unarmed ideologically, politically and materially. We do this to break with the opportunist attitude of revisionism which, in order to avoid its criminal responsibility, focuses only on the external factor, on the reactionary behavior of imperialism and local capitalism, of ITT, on the “wickedness and treachery” of Pinochet, etc. One could not expect them to behave differently, due to their reactionary nature.

The ideological and political confusion about the Popular Unity (UP), Salvador Allende and all of those who considered themselves the “vanguard”, or at least “leftist,” in the period prior to the fascist coup, has not diminished. On the contrary, it is on the rise, and it has reached such a level that those who stand for the “path of Allende and the UP” are treated as “ultra-leftist.” Moreover, some young people who have recently joined the social struggle, seeking a means to expose so much treason and opportunism, try to find a revolutionary alternative in the praiseworthy and courageous attitude of Salvador Allende, who in the last moments of his life picked up a machine gun in order to resist the fascists hordes attacking the Moneda (the government palace, Note of transl.). They uphold the slogan: “He did not surrender, he fought with a rifle!” What is important here is that the youths are expressing their desire for a revolutionary change. The confusion is being cunningly used by opportunism to divert the struggle and again lead the workers and popular movement along the path of defeat. It is mainly revisionism and its social-democratic partner who are in charge of this.

There is not doubt that from the point of view of the masses, in regard to bourgeois democratic liberties and the space gained in which to express the desire for revolutionary change in society, there has not been in the history of Chile and maybe of all of Latin America a more favorable period than the experience of the UP. This is something that was not only experienced by the people, but was also observed and acted upon by reaction and Yankee imperialism.

The fervor of the masses was an important ingredient during the whole period of Allende’s government. The masses mobilized not only against imperialism and reaction, against the sabotage of production and the black market, as the revisionists argue, but also to advance towards the seizure of power, despite the policies and actions of the UP itself. A proof of this was the fact that the Unified Confederation of Workers (CUT), led by the “C”P and the “S”P, was overtaken by the formation of the Industrial Belts. These organizations, even though they still displayed some confusion in their objectives and demands due to the negative influence of some opportunist petty-bourgeois ideas, together with the Community Commandos and other new forms of Popular organization, had the great merit of pointing to the fundamental problem of the whole class struggle, the conquest of political power. This latter, in fact, was precisely what precipitated the fascist coup: imperialism and the bourgeoisie could not allow the workers and the rest of the popular masses, who were seizing lands and industries, maintaining productivity, managing distribution, etc, to make clear in practice that the capitalists were no longer needed.

As we shall see further on, “Popular Unity,” UP, was the result of a long work of reformism and revisionism, which found strong international support in the revisionist policies of the former Soviet Union after the death of comrade Joseph Stalin and the triumph of the Khrushchevite coup in the former Soviet Union. We must stress the role played then and now by the experience of the UP in the ideological and political debate that was developed and is still developing between Marxism-leninism and revisionism, in our country and internationally.

It is necessary to bear in mind that the experience of the UP aroused many illusions at that time in various countries, especially in the so-called “third world,” whose peoples struggled and are still struggling to overcome the yoke of imperialism, to achieve progress and social justice. In whatever manner, the “UP” was presented by international revisionism as the confirmation of the thesis of “peaceful transition” or the “peaceful path” to socialism, adopted by the congress of infamy, the XXth Congress of the CPSU in opposition to the Marxist-Leninist teaching of the revolutionary seizure of political power, as defended in the time of Lenin and Stalin.

The “peaceful path” of opportunism was a slogan and permanent practice directed at the workers movement and the popular masses, a slogan that denied the revolutionary truth of the inevitability of armed confrontation, when the class struggle reaches a higher stage and the question of power comes to the forefront. This was especially true in Brezhnev’s time, when the inter-imperialist confrontation between the USA and the revisionist Soviet leadership had sharpened. However, and here the CONSCIOUS BETRAYAL of revisionism was shown, when it became clear that a material (armed) force was needed to prevent the “reactionary uprising,” the revisionists spoke to us of so-called “patriotic officers,” of “maintaining the constitutional character of the Armed Forces,” of “integrating our Armed Forces into the change.” They popularized demobilizing and defeatist slogans like “friend soldier, the people are with you” and “the Armed Forces are the people in uniform,” or as Luis Corvalan maintained in December of 1970 (International Journal), “one can ASSERT that the people of Chile and the Armed Forces of the country shall resolutely rise in combat in the defense of the sovereignty of their motherland.” In consequence of this view, the whole parliament, with the exception of Senator Raul Silva Ulloa, during the government of Salvador Allende, adopted the “law of arms control” which gave the bourgeois Armed Forces the right to gain access to and break into any place suspected of storing weapons. This was a great help to the fascists in preparation for the 1973 coup; months, days before the coup, the bourgeois Armed Forces, using the law voted for by the whole UP together with the Christian Democrats and fascist mummies, broke into industrial establishments, intimidated workers and confiscated some old shotguns and pistols, thus inhibiting the ability of the workers to respond to the massacre that they were preparing.

The “military” policy of revisionism, apart from handing over the disarmed people to their enemies, obtained some meager results in the person of Army General Carlos Prat, Air Force General Bachelett, some officers of the military police and a handful of members of the Navy, who were arrested and tortured by the armed forces days before the coup itself. Finally, it is important to point out that the “extreme left” has been blamed for the coup for many years. When revisionism adopted its amorphous “policy of popular rebellion,” which never put forward any goal other than the “return to the democracy” which existed before the coup, it organized “the armed struggle” against Pinochet, but once again without the masses, based on highly specialized armed equipment. And they, together with the other sectors of the bourgeois opposition to Pinochet, denied and abandoned this struggle at the most crucial moment.

The UP materialized petty-bourgeois thought, not only of revisionism, with some phrases borrowed from Marxism-Leninism; it also expressed the thought of social-democracy, represented with lower or higher degrees of radicalism by the Socialist Party of Chile, whose member and leader was Salvador Allende, and by the Radical Party; most of their leaders, including Allende, admitted that they were organizationally and philosophically members of the Masons. Another element that contributed to the total ideological and organizational confusion in the leadership of the UP was the “progressive” Christian thought represented by elements who split from the Christian Democrats (DC), by the MAPU and the Christian Left (IC) who, based on their origins and petty-bourgeois thought, vacillated between the “left” and the “right.” In any case, their weight within the UP was never determining, among other reasons because both organizations were a hybrid of political definitions, which prevented them from forming a different line from that of the “C”P-“S”P axis.

For a better understanding we believe it is very important to depict the ideological and political lines of, at least, the main trends in the UP, that is the “S”P and the “C”P.

The Socialist Party of Chile 

Perhaps it would be enough to define them by the popular term, “slick partners” [phony socialists], since in general, apart from scarce and remarkable exceptions, the majority of them have always used their membership as a personal step up the social ladder, to have access to the bureaucratic apparatus of the bourgeois capitalist State, and get their share of the exploitation of the workers and the alienation of the national resources. Always, in one way or another, through ministries, agreements or anything else, the “S”P has participated in an open or disguised manner in almost all of the regimes that have governed Chile. The exception, and moreover, the persecution to which they were subjected during the fascist military dictatorship, must be understood in the general international framework of the inter-imperialist struggle between the two imperialist super-powers of that time, Yankee imperialism and Russian social-imperialism. In that context, the “S”P and its alliance with the “C”P was placed under the umbrella of Soviet revisionism, one of the elements against which Yankee imperialism stirred up reaction and the bourgeois Armed Forces. The other and main objective was, as we all know, to prevent the working class, leading the people, from advancing towards the conquest of political power, which would have led to the expulsion of imperialism from Chile and the beginning of the construction of a new country of popular democracy and socialism.

The leaders of “S”P, who yesterday were government ministers, ambassadors, members of parliament, top union and student leaders in the period of the UP, are today the champions of neo-liberalism and defenders of the institutional order inherited from the dictatorship. Their members of parliament share seats, banquets and privileges with the fascist members of parliament, with the senators appointed for life, with Pinochet himself. Their ministers, like Ricardo Lagos, are received with honors by the representatives of Yankee imperialism, the local capitalist bosses express their public approval, even “if one of them were one day to become President of the Republic.”

The “S”P leaders have been put in charge of the dirty work of the reactionary Chilean State. The “socialist” Marcelo Schilling, a member of the Central Committee, was the founder of the sinister “Office of Investigations” of the government of reconciliation, whose objective has not been the dismantling of the fascist legacy but, on the contrary, to infiltrate, provoke and destroy the revolutionary organizations of the people and even in some cases to assassinate their members. The Gendarmerie of Chile is in charge of keeping behind bars and annihilating psychologically and physically dozens of social fighters in “high security jails,” while hosting in a “five star hotel” a couple of symbolic military fascist criminals, and it has been and is led now by top “socialist” leaders.

The “S”P was born ideologically, politically and organizationally as a clearly social-democratic, opportunist, anti-communist formation, something which it was never able to overcome. The left-wing positions that it has adopted at times were due to their exclusion from the bourgeois government in office or to tactics tending to resolve the problems of hegemony in relation to other bourgeois political formations, such as revisionism, for example.

Another feature of the “S”P of Chile is that of being a shelter for various opportunist positions and figures that call themselves “leftists,” that have attacked or attack Marxism-Leninism. Trotskyites, Titoites and their anti-communist embryo of self-management, the phony arm-chair guerrillas have found shelter or rather a hide-out there; in these years of “reconciliation,” a large number of former MIR, former FPMR and former CP members have joined them. Those who tired of fighting have joined with fascist militarism in the administration of the bourgeois State, profiting from the exploitation of the workers and viciously fighting those who have not leaped with them into the marsh of betrayal.

The social-democrats of the “S”P have always found their brothers in the leadership of the “C”P, the tireless peddlers of unity of both organizations and positions. Before the formation of the “UP” the General Secretary of the “C”P reiterated again and again that “we will keep insisting that that which unites the socialists and communists is much stronger [than that which divides them]” (Luis Corvalan, Fighting in Broad Daylight).

Today, 25 years after the coup, the leadership of the “C”P persists in its efforts of “unity” with the “S”P. In this respect Jorge Insunza, in a lengthy interview in “El Siglo” (Number 890, August 6, 1998) regarding the proposals made to the “S”P for joint tributes to Salvador Allende, complained about the failure of his initiative and confessed with a bitterness worthy of better lovers: “Frankly, we did not achieve the success we had hoped for. This week, after more than two months of dedication, we received the answer from the leadership of the Socialist Party that they will not honor the commitment that they had made to us to form a broad national committee in which they would participate.”

The “Communist” Party of Chile (“C”P) 

For a variety of ideological and political reasons, both national and international, the revisionist “C”P was the main force that defined the thought and practice that gave birth to the experience of the UP. This can not be understood without understanding the long work carried out by the leadership of the revisionist “C”P in this respect. One can have an almost complete global picture of the ideological and political support that made the UP government possible and that led the workers and the people into that arms of the fascist massacre of September 11, 1973, only by following the development of the “C”P, something which is not the same as that of the “S”P with its carnival-like existence.

The main support for the so-called “Chilean road to socialism” was developed contrary to all the historical experience of the working class and its revolutionary outlook, Marxism-Leninism. The ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin on the revolutionary struggle, power, the State, the leading role of the working class, the proletarian character of the party, etc, were never present. Therefore the tragedy and defeat of the “UP.” which was paid for by the working class and the people, just as in the revisionist former USSR and the countries of Eastern Europe, were the tragedy and defeat of social-democracy and revisionism, not of Marxism-Leninism. In any case, when Gladys Marin, General Secretary of the revisionist “C”P and eternal candidate for the presidency of the Republic, speaks of retaking the “path of the UP and Allende,” it is no longer a tragedy but a farce.

For many years the revisionist leadership of the “C”P has idealized the possibilities of parliamentary work, adopting an attitude of “parliamentary cretinism,” against which Lenin often warned the communists. For many years it has disguised the dictatorship of the bourgeois classes under the mask of holy bourgeois “democracy,” and it gambled on the “great tradition of respect for the law and democracy” that the bourgeois Armed Forces and other State institutions supposedly showed. All the arguments of revisionism were and are based on subjective idealism, on opportunism, not on Marxism-Leninism. To start, let us look at some of its historical manifestations.

Under the often used slogan of “all parties and sectors without exception,” the revisionist “C”P in the mid-1940s managed for a short period to join the government of Gabriel Gonzalez Videla. Having been elected with the votes of the “C”P, he later expelled them from the government and banned them. All this, nevertheless, was no problem for the opportunist leadership of the “C”P, who from the beginning did not understand what was happening, and even offered their “constructive support to the government.”

From abroad, the “C”P accepted “willingly” or “unwillingly” the negative influence of Browderism. Browder at that time was the General Secretary of the “C”P of the USA who supported the opportunist trend of class conciliation, reducing the role of the Party to some kind of cultural organization. This influence from abroad united with a strong tendency that negatively influenced the leadership of the “C”P of Chile, which put forward the necessity of constructing the Antifascist United Fronts (necessary to confront fascism on a world scale) in an exclusively legalist and pacifist manner. They actually subordinated the proletariat to other forces, to the so-called “progressive bourgeoisie,” renouncing the necessary and irreplaceable leading role of the proletariat in this front. The “foreign” influence further strengthened the opportunist pacifism that had already been consolidated in the leadership of the “C”P.

The influence of the Soviet Union at the time of comrade J. Stalin, of his proletarian internationalist policies, and the enforcement of the anti-communist law of Videla, known as the law for the defense of democracy, or known by the people as the damned law, led a section of the leadership of the revisionist “C”P to adopt a more radical stand, embodied in the “Program of National Salvation.” But soon this section was defeated and its supporters were expelled. The “C”P adopted a new line of class conciliation, putting out an opportunist document called the “Emergency Plan,” in total opposition to the earlier program.

The revisionist leadership of the “C”P gave strong support to Ibanez by putting forward its proposal of “decisively contributing to the success of the work of Mr. Ibanez’s government for the good of the country.” Later they added, reaffirming their character of extinguishers of the fire of the class struggle, that “our invariable rule is to see to it that labor conflicts should be solved harmoniously by any means. We only support going on strike, which is a right recognized by the Labor Code, when all other means fail.” (Document of the Leadership of the “C”P in the first year of the government of Ibanez).

The opportunist line of the leadership of the revisionist “C”P found support in the revisionist leadership of N. Khrushchev, whom they blindly followed. Despite the foolish attempt of the revisionist leaders, who tried to present themselves as “independent” and “original,” it is good to remember the actions of Volodia T., Mr. T. He exuberantly tried to be more Catholic than the Pope, going around telling whoever would listen, the bourgeois press, that the “C”P was for perestroika before Gorbachev launched his perestroika. This was no “return to Leninism,” as the Trotksyites and revisionists claimed.

The devious attitude (see the interview published in El Siglo N. 890) of the “C”P is today focused on using the “experience of the UP” to attack and slander the proletarian socialism constructed in the times of Lenin and Stalin, in the times of the dictatorship of the proletariat. See how Jorge Insunza attacks socialism: “In many respects, the program of Allende meant completely distancing oneself from that model.” “To retake the experience of the Popular Unity and its government is to show the people that we do not bow to models which were actually opposed to what we wanted to put into effect.” It is a fact that the UP did not have anything to do with the proletarian socialism that makes the opportunists so uncomfortable. But Mr. Insunza, let us remind you that, in the time of Khrushchevite revisionism, the leadership of your party here in Chile sneezed when your “elder brother” in Moscow caught a cold.

The tailism of local revisionism in relation to Soviet revisionism had its highest and most grotesque expression in the hasty convocation of the Xth Congress of the “C”P of Chile, barely two months after the XXth Congress of the CPSU, in which the “peaceful path to power” was “discovered.” Issue #35 of the journal “Principios” (Principles, Note of transl.), referring to the “peaceful path,” argued that “this question has been put forward from the high tribune of the XXth Congress of the CPSU.” After this, the deceptive efforts to claim “originality” and “ones own elaboration” seem ridiculous. Corvalan made his “contribution” to the “creative development” of Marxism in the same way that Khrushchev presented his bourgeois poison, saying that “to tell the truth, it (the peaceful path) had already been put forward by life itself. In many countries revolutionary changes have taken place through new paths that cannot be considered as insurrectional.

“In Chile itself, the possibility of utilizing the parliamentary road to achieve power by the popular forces had already been shown. But this question was not sufficiently clear for us” (Luis Corvalan, “Our revolutionary path”). And, to leave no room for doubt as to the “contributions” that revisionism is so proud of and which have done so much harm to the workers’ and popular struggle, Corvalan reminds us that: “we pointed out the necessity to make in it (the program of the “C”P) a more complete and richer analysis of the peaceful road. We said that it should be clearly established that this path only excludes civil war and armed insurrection.”

The whole period prior to the fascist military coup of 1973, from Ibanez to S. Allende, including the time of Alessandri and Frei Montalba and their “revolution in liberty,” which followed the guidelines and demands of the “Alliance for Progress,” was for local revisionism a period for giving proof of its good behavior to the bourgeoisie and imperialism. At the 24th plenary session of the C.C. held in 1957, the revisionist leadership of the “C”P made very clear their counterrevolutionary political objectives: “We want and demand our freedom. And we solemnly proclaim that, being free to take part again in political life, we will not constitute a threat to any respectable interest. We stand for the democratic resolution of all questions according to the will of the majority of the country within the framework of the free play of all parties and political currents. Today we do not aim to replace the property of the Chilean capitalists with collective property. And if tomorrow it should be necessary to advance along this path, we believe that this should be done according to the will of the majority of the Chileans, through the peaceful road and by guaranteeing the well-being and the rights of the capitalists, that is by compensating them properly.”

Special attention should be paid to the “constructive” attitude of the revisionist leadership of the “C”P towards the “pro-development” or bourgeois reformist government of Eduardo Frei Montalba who, consistent with his class character, had not the least hesitation in suppressing and murdering workers, peasants, the indigenous Mapuches, students and neighborhood residents, who were fighting for their economic and political demands (who does not remember, for example, the massacre of residents of Puerto Montt).

From the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies the “C”P and the “S”P voted for the most diverse projects of Frei’s government. The peasants who seized lands, the students who radicalized the struggle for university reform, the workers and union leaders who opposed and ignored the “agreement” between the C.U.T. and the government that restricted the workers demands, those who from revolutionary positions called for the armed struggle and the road of mass insurrection, all these were denounced as ultra-leftists in the pages of “Siglo,” the organ of the “C”P.

As their Italian brothers in opportunism, the revisionist leadership of the “C”P never, even in the period of the UP stopped trying to form their boasted-of “Historic Compromise” with the Christian Democrats.

In December of 1970, Salvador Allende had already been elected President of the Republic. Luis Corvalan (International Journal, December 1970) rendered an early homage to the thesis of the electoral way or the “peaceful road” of revisionism, of N. Khrushchev and his successors. “The ‘Chilean example’ will show that the ways and methods of the revolutionary process have their own peculiarities in each country, and proves that the thesis of the XXth Congress of the CPSU in not so absurd.” Two and a half years after Corvalan, leading the Volodias, Millas and Marin, etc., rejoiced at the alleged “triumph” of the Khrushchevite thesis, in September of 1973 not only the absurdity of the thesis proclaimed by the XXth Congress of the Russian revisionist party was proven, but its criminal and treacherous character was exposed. The shamelessness of Corvalan has no limits: a few years before the election of Allende, in Indonesia, the absurdity of the “peaceful path” had been proven once again, when more than 500,000 communists and patriots were murdered by the fascist coup carried out by the bourgeois army of general Suharto against the “constitutional” President and father of the motherland SUKARNO.

The anti-reformist “left” 

From the “left,” that is those sectors who took up the struggle against the “peaceful path” or the “electoral road,” great efforts were made to oppose bourgeois reformism, the “peaceful path” and class conciliation imposed by the so-called “traditional Left.” A large number of comrades who belonged to the “revolutionary left,” the MIR [Movement of the Revolutionary Left], PCR {Revolutionary Communist Party] and other smaller groups, were examples of courage in confronting the fascist dictatorship. Although the revisionists claimed that they were responsible for provoking the coup, in fact, apart from their ideological and political mistakes, it is in these groups that one can find the most consistent search for a revolutionary way out of the crisis of the bourgeois democratic form of capitalist exploitation that existed in Chile before September 11, 1973.

In one way or another the experience of the UP caused different reactions within the “revolutionary left.” For example the Marxist Revolutionary Vanguard, which to a certain extent struggled against Khrushchevite revisionism at that time, was paralyzed and self-destructed. Most of its members opportunistically joined the “S”P and some the “C”P, swelling their most “left” wings and, curiously enough, became the most fervent defenders of the UP government, formed on the basis of the so-called “peaceful path to socialism” that they had formerly fought. In the end it became clear that their break with revisionism never went beyond tactical contradictions, the supposed contradiction of simple paths, that is the armed path versus the “peaceful path.” With the electoral “victory” of the UP, the contradiction that initially motivated their difference with the latter ceased to exist. They never understood that the electoral victory of the UP would prove the non-existence of the “peaceful path.” Those who did not join the UP maintained certain organizational links and mostly died fighting the fascist coup.

With respect to the Revolutionary Communist Party, one should acknowledge that the process of cooptation and destruction caused by the electoral “victory” of the UP and its “peaceful path” also weakened it greatly and caused it great internal divisions, leaving it with little influence among the popular masses and almost isolated from the great fervor and the existing class confrontation. This was just at the time when two highly explosive elements began to combine: the general dissatisfaction of the workers and the people with the vacillation, paralysis and legalism of the leadership of the UP and the open sabotage of the reactionaries and fascists under the shelter and orders of Yankee imperialism.

In order to wage political struggle and preserve themselves, the Revolutionary Communist Party mechanically transplanted the international position of the C.P. of China, which led them to serious mistakes in characterizing the main imperialist enemy of the Chilean revolution. They attacked equally and sometimes more forcefully Russian social-imperialism than Yankee imperialism, ignoring the fact that, although both imperialisms were equally dangerous for the peoples in general, Yankee imperialism was dominant in Chile. In any case, an important merits of the PCR was that it kept alive the anti-imperialist debate, and did not confine it almost exclusively to the level of propaganda. With the inevitability of the confrontation that the social conditions gave rise to, by the end of 1979, and after having promoted and participated in the resistance to the fascist military dictatorship, both factions into which the PCR had split ceased to exist as a party and some of their rank-and-file, of those who stayed in Chile, continued the struggle for the Popular Revolution and Socialism.

An organization that stood out for uniting important sectors in disagreement with the bourgeois reformism of the leadership of the UP, was the Movement of the Revolutionary Left, MIR. This movement was made up mainly of radical students strongly influenced by the Cuban experience and the figure of the guerrilla fighter Ernesto Che Guevara. They raised slogans for the armed struggle based on the theory of the “guerrilla foco,” of “going to the mountains.” The MIR in those years developed various experiences working with the masses in specific fronts, which led them to become the largest of the organizations of the “ultra-left,” as the revisionists of the UP used to call them. Politically, the MIR developed a sort of critical support of the government of Salvador Allende. They took certain actions for the seizure of small agricultural and industrial properties, as well as large and monopolistic ones, which they regarded as being the same or almost the same. This helped to increase the confusion as to who were the main and the secondary enemies of the Chilean revolution.

Outstanding figures of the old MIR were men such as Miguel Henriquez, who took up with exemplary courage the commitment to the revolutionary struggle. On the other hand, others today are a slap in the face of the former; they not only retreated to the extent of turning the MIR into small remnants, but even renounced all revolutionary ideas and transformed themselves into spokespersons of capitalist exploitation, joining the “S”P or the PPD or even the Christian Democrats.

An example of individual anti-reformist struggle, isolated from the masses, reached its clearest expression in the Organized Vanguard of the People, VOP. Faced with police persecution and as a way to “wake up” the masses from the illusion of the UP, its members turned themselves into “Living Bombs” and exploded themselves in front of the general headquarters of the Investigation police, where all their members and some policemen died.

Coming from organized Trotskyism, and only to add humor to this paper, it is good to remember the vicious attacks of one of their leading figures, who today seeks to “save Marxism with Christian ethics.” Luis Vitales, not satisfied with his membership in a large number of small petty-bourgeois groups, pretended to be a historian and attacked Bernardo O’Higgins and other independence fighters of the Spanish colonial period for not having fought for the Socialist Revolution.

Another fact that, were it not for the confusion and desperate search by the masses for a Revolutionary alternative to the UP, would only serve to calm our nerves, was the Trotskyite Revolutionary Workers Party, which was divided into little groups. During the UP, its newspaper called for a National Strike in support of Allende; 15 days later, having failed in realizing a national strike, it called for a Continental Strike, and without expecting any kind of sympathy for their call, 15 days later it called for a “World Strike in support of Allende and against the imperialist attack.”

All the various groups of the left, apart from the Trotskyites who are brothers in treason with revisionism, sought for a revolutionary way out of the crisis of the bourgeois democratic system existing in Chile until September 11, 1973. They made great efforts, among which were examples of heroism. No one can conclude that their defeats were due to a lack of “will” or courage; on the contrary they had plenty of that. The explanation for their defeats must be sought in the ideas that guided their practice, in their eclectic thinking, which was far from the proletarian revolutionary understanding, from the Marxist-Leninist ideology, from the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin applied to the reality of Chile.

Once more, at the expense of the blood of the workers and people, of the lives of honest and militant fighters, the class struggle reminded us that the working class and the peoples have no future, no perspective for genuine social change, for socialism, if they do not have a genuine Proletarian Party, tempered in the class struggle and formed on the basis of the communist ideology, Marxism-Leninism.

On the 25th Anniversary of the fascist military coup, the working class and the people of Chile do not only have defeats to show, but mainly a treasure of valuable lessons learned through blood and 18 years of ideological, political and organizational efforts for the construction of a genuine Marxist-Leninist Party. These efforts have been crowned with success in the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC(AP). This party has no commitment other than that which emanates from revolutionary consistency, from Marxism-Leninism, from the Revolutionary interests of the working class and the peoples of Chile. It has been able to and can provide, unlike any other organization that calls itself left or revolutionary, the elements that allow us to expose the true causes of the past events, to face with success the present revolutionary struggle and point out its perspectives.

To conclude, let us present the following excerpt from the Programmatic Thesis of the PC(AP) published in June of 1995: “The heroic days of struggle that preceded us should be summed up from an open, scientific point of view, leaving aside the dogmatist, idealist and essentially religious conduct that deprive them of any revolutionary essence, presenting them (the days of struggle. Note of translator) as something already concluded, not subject to an analysis that might expose their successes and shortcomings, the positive and negative lessons that emanate from them. Those who today proceed in that way disguise their ideological and intellectual inability, or even worse, persist in past errors that will lead to new defeats for the people.

“From a sound and correct point of view, both the objective and the subjective conditions that have determined all past struggle should be studied, in order to draw revolutionary scientific rigor correct lessons that will enable us to accomplish the historic demand of Popular Democracy and Socialism that our country requires today.

“Based on the understanding that the objective conditions (national and social oppression and exploitation) for a revolutionary change in a country like ours have always been present, it is above all necessary to analyze more profoundly the politics that were in control of past struggles.

“Without a doubt, the quality of the subjective factor is always of primary importance, and the outcome of the struggle, its victory or defeat, depends fundamentally upon this. The failure of past struggles are not a result of the absence or weakness of the objective factor, of historical fatalism, or betrayal by this one or that, and still less of the lack of commitment of our unselfish people. On the contrary, our people have filled thousands of pages with their heroism that would move anyone to tears.

“The resistance to and rejection of imperialism and reaction in the past, particularly in the republican period, could not rely on programs with a genuine revolutionary class alternative, for the destruction of the existing bourgeois power and the construction of a new one, of socialism. On the contrary, these alternatives had been based on progressive reforms, on ‘broadening democracy,’ on trying to gradually ‘take over’ the Capitalist State dependent on imperialism, seeking the ‘transformation’ of the latter to put it into the ‘service’ of the people and the workers. Based on this erroneous ideological and programmatic foundation of the former leaders of the Popular Movement, forms of struggles were developed that did not have the perspective of placing the seizure of power, that is the social revolution, on the order of the day. A good example of this is the parliamentary road, the ‘peaceful path,’ chosen by the Popular Unity, with the whole tragedy that this meant for the Chilean Workers and Popular Movement. This can also be seen in the anti-fascist resistance itself which, although it engaged in open and mass combat, even armed combat, was always carried out under the banner of the restoration of the bourgeois democracy that existed before September 11, 1973.

“In this trend the National and Social Liberation, the Popular Democratic and Socialist revolution was absent.

“The subjective factor, the political leadership and its ideas is therefore the determining element on which the workers and popular struggles depend. The collapse the former USSR and of the countries of Eastern Europe are the Universal proof of our statement, that what happened there was not the failure of Socialism, still less of communist ideology, but was, on the contrary, a consequence of their desertion and betrayal. Today this is clear even to the ultra-blind idealists, to those who did not want to see the revisionist and anti-communist reality of the leaderships of those Parties and those former States.

“National and international reaction have muddied the waters for a short historical period, some self-proclaimed leftist and revolutionaries have abandoned the trenches of struggle and have openly joined reaction, others still vacillate and in an opportunistic manner try to serve reaction and imperialism, using ‘progressive,’ social-democratic phrases.

“The masses, although temporarily confused, seek a way out of the crisis of capitalist super-exploitation, the workers and popular movements follow one another. In general, it can be stated that in Chile, as in the rest of the world, a new wave of revolutionary struggle of the workers and peoples is taking shape. This should be greeted with a revolutionary class ideology and politics, of a higher caliber than those in the past, which will really allow us to reach the objectives put forward for the present period and will assure the socialist perspective of the process.”

Source

Political Cartoon: 39 years later, Chile remembers 9/11 terror attacks

Further Reading

Remembering Chile’s 9/11

Cold War Killer File: Augusto Pinochet

Augusto Pinochet & the Realities of the Free Market in Chile

Source

Chile: Anniversary of the Birthday of Salvador Allende

Tuesday, 26 June 2012

The anniversary of the birth of one of the great presidents have had democratic Chile was commemorated with a massive event.

This activity took place on June 24 in the municipality of San Joaquin, in the front of one of the greatest monuments in the country, which was the martyred president who dared to nationalize the copper industry and to promote measures for the people and against big corporations and Yankee imperialism, which was overthrown by a brutal and bloody fascist military dictatorship in 1973.

This event became present our Party, the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) – PC (AP), extensive spreading revolutionary literature, as well as lift up their red flags.

Also present at the occasion, along with other organizations, the Command Comprehensive Solidarity with Cuba and the Peoples Bicentennial – Chilean Chapter, who laid wreaths and whose deliveries took Comrade Alejandro Aravena, the PC (AP) , along with other colleagues, on behalf of both organizations.

National Communications Commission
Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)