Category Archives: Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)

Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action) – Reformism: the Gateway to Fascism

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Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action)
Eduardo Artes
August, 1998

Some factors to explain the defeat of September 11, 1973 and to advance towards victory.

On the eve of the 25th anniversary of the fascist military coup of September 11, every social class, even some class sectors. through their organizations, ranging from the bourgeois Armed Forces to the political parties, including our Communist Party (Proletarian Action) [PC(AP)], as well as churches, express their evaluations, draw their conclusions and point out the paths forward according to their own class interests.

The fascist military coup that took place in Chile in 1973 was not just one more of the countless ones in the history of Latin America and the world. It has special significance, not only for its great brutality but also for the long duration of fascist rule and the characteristic reordering of capitalist oppression and exploitation in Chile, at the demand of yankee imperialism and its local partners. For us, and this is the goal of the present paper, this holds many vivid lessons for the workers and popular movement and the outcome of their struggle, depending on the ideas that guide their practice.

Given the low level of the existing ideological debate, we do not want to be misunderstood or to confuse anyone about the truly proletarian and revolutionary character of our analysis. As has been proven by our tireless practice, we want to first express a well-deserved tribute to all the victims of fascism, to all the fighters who fell in the defense or construction of their trade unions, popular organizations, on the neighborhood barricades, in the armed confrontation, to all those who fought resolutely against the coup itself as well as against the fascist dictatorship. In honoring them, no matter how hard it might be for some to admit the communist truth, we cannot stop putting forth widely our Marxist-Leninist opinion of the main, i.e. the internal factor (of the popular movement), that led the working class and the people to the defeat, to the massacre, to confront the reactionaries unarmed ideologically, politically and materially. We do this to break with the opportunist attitude of revisionism which, in order to avoid its criminal responsibility, focuses only on the external factor, on the reactionary behavior of imperialism and local capitalism, of ITT, on the “wickedness and treachery” of Pinochet, etc. One could not expect them to behave differently, due to their reactionary nature.

The ideological and political confusion about the Popular Unity (UP), Salvador Allende and all of those who considered themselves the “vanguard”, or at least “leftist,” in the period prior to the fascist coup, has not diminished. On the contrary, it is on the rise, and it has reached such a level that those who stand for the “path of Allende and the UP” are treated as “ultra-leftist.” Moreover, some young people who have recently joined the social struggle, seeking a means to expose so much treason and opportunism, try to find a revolutionary alternative in the praiseworthy and courageous attitude of Salvador Allende, who in the last moments of his life picked up a machine gun in order to resist the fascists hordes attacking the Moneda (the government palace, Note of transl.). They uphold the slogan: “He did not surrender, he fought with a rifle!” What is important here is that the youths are expressing their desire for a revolutionary change. The confusion is being cunningly used by opportunism to divert the struggle and again lead the workers and popular movement along the path of defeat. It is mainly revisionism and its social-democratic partner who are in charge of this.

There is not doubt that from the point of view of the masses, in regard to bourgeois democratic liberties and the space gained in which to express the desire for revolutionary change in society, there has not been in the history of Chile and maybe of all of Latin America a more favorable period than the experience of the UP. This is something that was not only experienced by the people, but was also observed and acted upon by reaction and Yankee imperialism.

The fervor of the masses was an important ingredient during the whole period of Allende’s government. The masses mobilized not only against imperialism and reaction, against the sabotage of production and the black market, as the revisionists argue, but also to advance towards the seizure of power, despite the policies and actions of the UP itself. A proof of this was the fact that the Unified Confederation of Workers (CUT), led by the “C”P and the “S”P, was overtaken by the formation of the Industrial Belts. These organizations, even though they still displayed some confusion in their objectives and demands due to the negative influence of some opportunist petty-bourgeois ideas, together with the Community Commandos and other new forms of Popular organization, had the great merit of pointing to the fundamental problem of the whole class struggle, the conquest of political power. This latter, in fact, was precisely what precipitated the fascist coup: imperialism and the bourgeoisie could not allow the workers and the rest of the popular masses, who were seizing lands and industries, maintaining productivity, managing distribution, etc, to make clear in practice that the capitalists were no longer needed.

As we shall see further on, “Popular Unity,” UP, was the result of a long work of reformism and revisionism, which found strong international support in the revisionist policies of the former Soviet Union after the death of comrade Joseph Stalin and the triumph of the Khrushchevite coup in the former Soviet Union. We must stress the role played then and now by the experience of the UP in the ideological and political debate that was developed and is still developing between Marxism-leninism and revisionism, in our country and internationally.

It is necessary to bear in mind that the experience of the UP aroused many illusions at that time in various countries, especially in the so-called “third world,” whose peoples struggled and are still struggling to overcome the yoke of imperialism, to achieve progress and social justice. In whatever manner, the “UP” was presented by international revisionism as the confirmation of the thesis of “peaceful transition” or the “peaceful path” to socialism, adopted by the congress of infamy, the XXth Congress of the CPSU in opposition to the Marxist-Leninist teaching of the revolutionary seizure of political power, as defended in the time of Lenin and Stalin.

The “peaceful path” of opportunism was a slogan and permanent practice directed at the workers movement and the popular masses, a slogan that denied the revolutionary truth of the inevitability of armed confrontation, when the class struggle reaches a higher stage and the question of power comes to the forefront. This was especially true in Brezhnev’s time, when the inter-imperialist confrontation between the USA and the revisionist Soviet leadership had sharpened. However, and here the CONSCIOUS BETRAYAL of revisionism was shown, when it became clear that a material (armed) force was needed to prevent the “reactionary uprising,” the revisionists spoke to us of so-called “patriotic officers,” of “maintaining the constitutional character of the Armed Forces,” of “integrating our Armed Forces into the change.” They popularized demobilizing and defeatist slogans like “friend soldier, the people are with you” and “the Armed Forces are the people in uniform,” or as Luis Corvalan maintained in December of 1970 (International Journal), “one can ASSERT that the people of Chile and the Armed Forces of the country shall resolutely rise in combat in the defense of the sovereignty of their motherland.” In consequence of this view, the whole parliament, with the exception of Senator Raul Silva Ulloa, during the government of Salvador Allende, adopted the “law of arms control” which gave the bourgeois Armed Forces the right to gain access to and break into any place suspected of storing weapons. This was a great help to the fascists in preparation for the 1973 coup; months, days before the coup, the bourgeois Armed Forces, using the law voted for by the whole UP together with the Christian Democrats and fascist mummies, broke into industrial establishments, intimidated workers and confiscated some old shotguns and pistols, thus inhibiting the ability of the workers to respond to the massacre that they were preparing.

The “military” policy of revisionism, apart from handing over the disarmed people to their enemies, obtained some meager results in the person of Army General Carlos Prat, Air Force General Bachelett, some officers of the military police and a handful of members of the Navy, who were arrested and tortured by the armed forces days before the coup itself. Finally, it is important to point out that the “extreme left” has been blamed for the coup for many years. When revisionism adopted its amorphous “policy of popular rebellion,” which never put forward any goal other than the “return to the democracy” which existed before the coup, it organized “the armed struggle” against Pinochet, but once again without the masses, based on highly specialized armed equipment. And they, together with the other sectors of the bourgeois opposition to Pinochet, denied and abandoned this struggle at the most crucial moment.

The UP materialized petty-bourgeois thought, not only of revisionism, with some phrases borrowed from Marxism-Leninism; it also expressed the thought of social-democracy, represented with lower or higher degrees of radicalism by the Socialist Party of Chile, whose member and leader was Salvador Allende, and by the Radical Party; most of their leaders, including Allende, admitted that they were organizationally and philosophically members of the Masons. Another element that contributed to the total ideological and organizational confusion in the leadership of the UP was the “progressive” Christian thought represented by elements who split from the Christian Democrats (DC), by the MAPU and the Christian Left (IC) who, based on their origins and petty-bourgeois thought, vacillated between the “left” and the “right.” In any case, their weight within the UP was never determining, among other reasons because both organizations were a hybrid of political definitions, which prevented them from forming a different line from that of the “C”P-“S”P axis.

For a better understanding we believe it is very important to depict the ideological and political lines of, at least, the main trends in the UP, that is the “S”P and the “C”P.

The Socialist Party of Chile 

Perhaps it would be enough to define them by the popular term, “slick partners” [phony socialists], since in general, apart from scarce and remarkable exceptions, the majority of them have always used their membership as a personal step up the social ladder, to have access to the bureaucratic apparatus of the bourgeois capitalist State, and get their share of the exploitation of the workers and the alienation of the national resources. Always, in one way or another, through ministries, agreements or anything else, the “S”P has participated in an open or disguised manner in almost all of the regimes that have governed Chile. The exception, and moreover, the persecution to which they were subjected during the fascist military dictatorship, must be understood in the general international framework of the inter-imperialist struggle between the two imperialist super-powers of that time, Yankee imperialism and Russian social-imperialism. In that context, the “S”P and its alliance with the “C”P was placed under the umbrella of Soviet revisionism, one of the elements against which Yankee imperialism stirred up reaction and the bourgeois Armed Forces. The other and main objective was, as we all know, to prevent the working class, leading the people, from advancing towards the conquest of political power, which would have led to the expulsion of imperialism from Chile and the beginning of the construction of a new country of popular democracy and socialism.

The leaders of “S”P, who yesterday were government ministers, ambassadors, members of parliament, top union and student leaders in the period of the UP, are today the champions of neo-liberalism and defenders of the institutional order inherited from the dictatorship. Their members of parliament share seats, banquets and privileges with the fascist members of parliament, with the senators appointed for life, with Pinochet himself. Their ministers, like Ricardo Lagos, are received with honors by the representatives of Yankee imperialism, the local capitalist bosses express their public approval, even “if one of them were one day to become President of the Republic.”

The “S”P leaders have been put in charge of the dirty work of the reactionary Chilean State. The “socialist” Marcelo Schilling, a member of the Central Committee, was the founder of the sinister “Office of Investigations” of the government of reconciliation, whose objective has not been the dismantling of the fascist legacy but, on the contrary, to infiltrate, provoke and destroy the revolutionary organizations of the people and even in some cases to assassinate their members. The Gendarmerie of Chile is in charge of keeping behind bars and annihilating psychologically and physically dozens of social fighters in “high security jails,” while hosting in a “five star hotel” a couple of symbolic military fascist criminals, and it has been and is led now by top “socialist” leaders.

The “S”P was born ideologically, politically and organizationally as a clearly social-democratic, opportunist, anti-communist formation, something which it was never able to overcome. The left-wing positions that it has adopted at times were due to their exclusion from the bourgeois government in office or to tactics tending to resolve the problems of hegemony in relation to other bourgeois political formations, such as revisionism, for example.

Another feature of the “S”P of Chile is that of being a shelter for various opportunist positions and figures that call themselves “leftists,” that have attacked or attack Marxism-Leninism. Trotskyites, Titoites and their anti-communist embryo of self-management, the phony arm-chair guerrillas have found shelter or rather a hide-out there; in these years of “reconciliation,” a large number of former MIR, former FPMR and former CP members have joined them. Those who tired of fighting have joined with fascist militarism in the administration of the bourgeois State, profiting from the exploitation of the workers and viciously fighting those who have not leaped with them into the marsh of betrayal.

The social-democrats of the “S”P have always found their brothers in the leadership of the “C”P, the tireless peddlers of unity of both organizations and positions. Before the formation of the “UP” the General Secretary of the “C”P reiterated again and again that “we will keep insisting that that which unites the socialists and communists is much stronger [than that which divides them]” (Luis Corvalan, Fighting in Broad Daylight).

Today, 25 years after the coup, the leadership of the “C”P persists in its efforts of “unity” with the “S”P. In this respect Jorge Insunza, in a lengthy interview in “El Siglo” (Number 890, August 6, 1998) regarding the proposals made to the “S”P for joint tributes to Salvador Allende, complained about the failure of his initiative and confessed with a bitterness worthy of better lovers: “Frankly, we did not achieve the success we had hoped for. This week, after more than two months of dedication, we received the answer from the leadership of the Socialist Party that they will not honor the commitment that they had made to us to form a broad national committee in which they would participate.”

The “Communist” Party of Chile (“C”P) 

For a variety of ideological and political reasons, both national and international, the revisionist “C”P was the main force that defined the thought and practice that gave birth to the experience of the UP. This can not be understood without understanding the long work carried out by the leadership of the revisionist “C”P in this respect. One can have an almost complete global picture of the ideological and political support that made the UP government possible and that led the workers and the people into that arms of the fascist massacre of September 11, 1973, only by following the development of the “C”P, something which is not the same as that of the “S”P with its carnival-like existence.

The main support for the so-called “Chilean road to socialism” was developed contrary to all the historical experience of the working class and its revolutionary outlook, Marxism-Leninism. The ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin on the revolutionary struggle, power, the State, the leading role of the working class, the proletarian character of the party, etc, were never present. Therefore the tragedy and defeat of the “UP.” which was paid for by the working class and the people, just as in the revisionist former USSR and the countries of Eastern Europe, were the tragedy and defeat of social-democracy and revisionism, not of Marxism-Leninism. In any case, when Gladys Marin, General Secretary of the revisionist “C”P and eternal candidate for the presidency of the Republic, speaks of retaking the “path of the UP and Allende,” it is no longer a tragedy but a farce.

For many years the revisionist leadership of the “C”P has idealized the possibilities of parliamentary work, adopting an attitude of “parliamentary cretinism,” against which Lenin often warned the communists. For many years it has disguised the dictatorship of the bourgeois classes under the mask of holy bourgeois “democracy,” and it gambled on the “great tradition of respect for the law and democracy” that the bourgeois Armed Forces and other State institutions supposedly showed. All the arguments of revisionism were and are based on subjective idealism, on opportunism, not on Marxism-Leninism. To start, let us look at some of its historical manifestations.

Under the often used slogan of “all parties and sectors without exception,” the revisionist “C”P in the mid-1940s managed for a short period to join the government of Gabriel Gonzalez Videla. Having been elected with the votes of the “C”P, he later expelled them from the government and banned them. All this, nevertheless, was no problem for the opportunist leadership of the “C”P, who from the beginning did not understand what was happening, and even offered their “constructive support to the government.”

From abroad, the “C”P accepted “willingly” or “unwillingly” the negative influence of Browderism. Browder at that time was the General Secretary of the “C”P of the USA who supported the opportunist trend of class conciliation, reducing the role of the Party to some kind of cultural organization. This influence from abroad united with a strong tendency that negatively influenced the leadership of the “C”P of Chile, which put forward the necessity of constructing the Antifascist United Fronts (necessary to confront fascism on a world scale) in an exclusively legalist and pacifist manner. They actually subordinated the proletariat to other forces, to the so-called “progressive bourgeoisie,” renouncing the necessary and irreplaceable leading role of the proletariat in this front. The “foreign” influence further strengthened the opportunist pacifism that had already been consolidated in the leadership of the “C”P.

The influence of the Soviet Union at the time of comrade J. Stalin, of his proletarian internationalist policies, and the enforcement of the anti-communist law of Videla, known as the law for the defense of democracy, or known by the people as the damned law, led a section of the leadership of the revisionist “C”P to adopt a more radical stand, embodied in the “Program of National Salvation.” But soon this section was defeated and its supporters were expelled. The “C”P adopted a new line of class conciliation, putting out an opportunist document called the “Emergency Plan,” in total opposition to the earlier program.

The revisionist leadership of the “C”P gave strong support to Ibanez by putting forward its proposal of “decisively contributing to the success of the work of Mr. Ibanez’s government for the good of the country.” Later they added, reaffirming their character of extinguishers of the fire of the class struggle, that “our invariable rule is to see to it that labor conflicts should be solved harmoniously by any means. We only support going on strike, which is a right recognized by the Labor Code, when all other means fail.” (Document of the Leadership of the “C”P in the first year of the government of Ibanez).

The opportunist line of the leadership of the revisionist “C”P found support in the revisionist leadership of N. Khrushchev, whom they blindly followed. Despite the foolish attempt of the revisionist leaders, who tried to present themselves as “independent” and “original,” it is good to remember the actions of Volodia T., Mr. T. He exuberantly tried to be more Catholic than the Pope, going around telling whoever would listen, the bourgeois press, that the “C”P was for perestroika before Gorbachev launched his perestroika. This was no “return to Leninism,” as the Trotksyites and revisionists claimed.

The devious attitude (see the interview published in El Siglo N. 890) of the “C”P is today focused on using the “experience of the UP” to attack and slander the proletarian socialism constructed in the times of Lenin and Stalin, in the times of the dictatorship of the proletariat. See how Jorge Insunza attacks socialism: “In many respects, the program of Allende meant completely distancing oneself from that model.” “To retake the experience of the Popular Unity and its government is to show the people that we do not bow to models which were actually opposed to what we wanted to put into effect.” It is a fact that the UP did not have anything to do with the proletarian socialism that makes the opportunists so uncomfortable. But Mr. Insunza, let us remind you that, in the time of Khrushchevite revisionism, the leadership of your party here in Chile sneezed when your “elder brother” in Moscow caught a cold.

The tailism of local revisionism in relation to Soviet revisionism had its highest and most grotesque expression in the hasty convocation of the Xth Congress of the “C”P of Chile, barely two months after the XXth Congress of the CPSU, in which the “peaceful path to power” was “discovered.” Issue #35 of the journal “Principios” (Principles, Note of transl.), referring to the “peaceful path,” argued that “this question has been put forward from the high tribune of the XXth Congress of the CPSU.” After this, the deceptive efforts to claim “originality” and “ones own elaboration” seem ridiculous. Corvalan made his “contribution” to the “creative development” of Marxism in the same way that Khrushchev presented his bourgeois poison, saying that “to tell the truth, it (the peaceful path) had already been put forward by life itself. In many countries revolutionary changes have taken place through new paths that cannot be considered as insurrectional.

“In Chile itself, the possibility of utilizing the parliamentary road to achieve power by the popular forces had already been shown. But this question was not sufficiently clear for us” (Luis Corvalan, “Our revolutionary path”). And, to leave no room for doubt as to the “contributions” that revisionism is so proud of and which have done so much harm to the workers’ and popular struggle, Corvalan reminds us that: “we pointed out the necessity to make in it (the program of the “C”P) a more complete and richer analysis of the peaceful road. We said that it should be clearly established that this path only excludes civil war and armed insurrection.”

The whole period prior to the fascist military coup of 1973, from Ibanez to S. Allende, including the time of Alessandri and Frei Montalba and their “revolution in liberty,” which followed the guidelines and demands of the “Alliance for Progress,” was for local revisionism a period for giving proof of its good behavior to the bourgeoisie and imperialism. At the 24th plenary session of the C.C. held in 1957, the revisionist leadership of the “C”P made very clear their counterrevolutionary political objectives: “We want and demand our freedom. And we solemnly proclaim that, being free to take part again in political life, we will not constitute a threat to any respectable interest. We stand for the democratic resolution of all questions according to the will of the majority of the country within the framework of the free play of all parties and political currents. Today we do not aim to replace the property of the Chilean capitalists with collective property. And if tomorrow it should be necessary to advance along this path, we believe that this should be done according to the will of the majority of the Chileans, through the peaceful road and by guaranteeing the well-being and the rights of the capitalists, that is by compensating them properly.”

Special attention should be paid to the “constructive” attitude of the revisionist leadership of the “C”P towards the “pro-development” or bourgeois reformist government of Eduardo Frei Montalba who, consistent with his class character, had not the least hesitation in suppressing and murdering workers, peasants, the indigenous Mapuches, students and neighborhood residents, who were fighting for their economic and political demands (who does not remember, for example, the massacre of residents of Puerto Montt).

From the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies the “C”P and the “S”P voted for the most diverse projects of Frei’s government. The peasants who seized lands, the students who radicalized the struggle for university reform, the workers and union leaders who opposed and ignored the “agreement” between the C.U.T. and the government that restricted the workers demands, those who from revolutionary positions called for the armed struggle and the road of mass insurrection, all these were denounced as ultra-leftists in the pages of “Siglo,” the organ of the “C”P.

As their Italian brothers in opportunism, the revisionist leadership of the “C”P never, even in the period of the UP stopped trying to form their boasted-of “Historic Compromise” with the Christian Democrats.

In December of 1970, Salvador Allende had already been elected President of the Republic. Luis Corvalan (International Journal, December 1970) rendered an early homage to the thesis of the electoral way or the “peaceful road” of revisionism, of N. Khrushchev and his successors. “The ‘Chilean example’ will show that the ways and methods of the revolutionary process have their own peculiarities in each country, and proves that the thesis of the XXth Congress of the CPSU in not so absurd.” Two and a half years after Corvalan, leading the Volodias, Millas and Marin, etc., rejoiced at the alleged “triumph” of the Khrushchevite thesis, in September of 1973 not only the absurdity of the thesis proclaimed by the XXth Congress of the Russian revisionist party was proven, but its criminal and treacherous character was exposed. The shamelessness of Corvalan has no limits: a few years before the election of Allende, in Indonesia, the absurdity of the “peaceful path” had been proven once again, when more than 500,000 communists and patriots were murdered by the fascist coup carried out by the bourgeois army of general Suharto against the “constitutional” President and father of the motherland SUKARNO.

The anti-reformist “left” 

From the “left,” that is those sectors who took up the struggle against the “peaceful path” or the “electoral road,” great efforts were made to oppose bourgeois reformism, the “peaceful path” and class conciliation imposed by the so-called “traditional Left.” A large number of comrades who belonged to the “revolutionary left,” the MIR [Movement of the Revolutionary Left], PCR {Revolutionary Communist Party] and other smaller groups, were examples of courage in confronting the fascist dictatorship. Although the revisionists claimed that they were responsible for provoking the coup, in fact, apart from their ideological and political mistakes, it is in these groups that one can find the most consistent search for a revolutionary way out of the crisis of the bourgeois democratic form of capitalist exploitation that existed in Chile before September 11, 1973.

In one way or another the experience of the UP caused different reactions within the “revolutionary left.” For example the Marxist Revolutionary Vanguard, which to a certain extent struggled against Khrushchevite revisionism at that time, was paralyzed and self-destructed. Most of its members opportunistically joined the “S”P and some the “C”P, swelling their most “left” wings and, curiously enough, became the most fervent defenders of the UP government, formed on the basis of the so-called “peaceful path to socialism” that they had formerly fought. In the end it became clear that their break with revisionism never went beyond tactical contradictions, the supposed contradiction of simple paths, that is the armed path versus the “peaceful path.” With the electoral “victory” of the UP, the contradiction that initially motivated their difference with the latter ceased to exist. They never understood that the electoral victory of the UP would prove the non-existence of the “peaceful path.” Those who did not join the UP maintained certain organizational links and mostly died fighting the fascist coup.

With respect to the Revolutionary Communist Party, one should acknowledge that the process of cooptation and destruction caused by the electoral “victory” of the UP and its “peaceful path” also weakened it greatly and caused it great internal divisions, leaving it with little influence among the popular masses and almost isolated from the great fervor and the existing class confrontation. This was just at the time when two highly explosive elements began to combine: the general dissatisfaction of the workers and the people with the vacillation, paralysis and legalism of the leadership of the UP and the open sabotage of the reactionaries and fascists under the shelter and orders of Yankee imperialism.

In order to wage political struggle and preserve themselves, the Revolutionary Communist Party mechanically transplanted the international position of the C.P. of China, which led them to serious mistakes in characterizing the main imperialist enemy of the Chilean revolution. They attacked equally and sometimes more forcefully Russian social-imperialism than Yankee imperialism, ignoring the fact that, although both imperialisms were equally dangerous for the peoples in general, Yankee imperialism was dominant in Chile. In any case, an important merits of the PCR was that it kept alive the anti-imperialist debate, and did not confine it almost exclusively to the level of propaganda. With the inevitability of the confrontation that the social conditions gave rise to, by the end of 1979, and after having promoted and participated in the resistance to the fascist military dictatorship, both factions into which the PCR had split ceased to exist as a party and some of their rank-and-file, of those who stayed in Chile, continued the struggle for the Popular Revolution and Socialism.

An organization that stood out for uniting important sectors in disagreement with the bourgeois reformism of the leadership of the UP, was the Movement of the Revolutionary Left, MIR. This movement was made up mainly of radical students strongly influenced by the Cuban experience and the figure of the guerrilla fighter Ernesto Che Guevara. They raised slogans for the armed struggle based on the theory of the “guerrilla foco,” of “going to the mountains.” The MIR in those years developed various experiences working with the masses in specific fronts, which led them to become the largest of the organizations of the “ultra-left,” as the revisionists of the UP used to call them. Politically, the MIR developed a sort of critical support of the government of Salvador Allende. They took certain actions for the seizure of small agricultural and industrial properties, as well as large and monopolistic ones, which they regarded as being the same or almost the same. This helped to increase the confusion as to who were the main and the secondary enemies of the Chilean revolution.

Outstanding figures of the old MIR were men such as Miguel Henriquez, who took up with exemplary courage the commitment to the revolutionary struggle. On the other hand, others today are a slap in the face of the former; they not only retreated to the extent of turning the MIR into small remnants, but even renounced all revolutionary ideas and transformed themselves into spokespersons of capitalist exploitation, joining the “S”P or the PPD or even the Christian Democrats.

An example of individual anti-reformist struggle, isolated from the masses, reached its clearest expression in the Organized Vanguard of the People, VOP. Faced with police persecution and as a way to “wake up” the masses from the illusion of the UP, its members turned themselves into “Living Bombs” and exploded themselves in front of the general headquarters of the Investigation police, where all their members and some policemen died.

Coming from organized Trotskyism, and only to add humor to this paper, it is good to remember the vicious attacks of one of their leading figures, who today seeks to “save Marxism with Christian ethics.” Luis Vitales, not satisfied with his membership in a large number of small petty-bourgeois groups, pretended to be a historian and attacked Bernardo O’Higgins and other independence fighters of the Spanish colonial period for not having fought for the Socialist Revolution.

Another fact that, were it not for the confusion and desperate search by the masses for a Revolutionary alternative to the UP, would only serve to calm our nerves, was the Trotskyite Revolutionary Workers Party, which was divided into little groups. During the UP, its newspaper called for a National Strike in support of Allende; 15 days later, having failed in realizing a national strike, it called for a Continental Strike, and without expecting any kind of sympathy for their call, 15 days later it called for a “World Strike in support of Allende and against the imperialist attack.”

All the various groups of the left, apart from the Trotskyites who are brothers in treason with revisionism, sought for a revolutionary way out of the crisis of the bourgeois democratic system existing in Chile until September 11, 1973. They made great efforts, among which were examples of heroism. No one can conclude that their defeats were due to a lack of “will” or courage; on the contrary they had plenty of that. The explanation for their defeats must be sought in the ideas that guided their practice, in their eclectic thinking, which was far from the proletarian revolutionary understanding, from the Marxist-Leninist ideology, from the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin applied to the reality of Chile.

Once more, at the expense of the blood of the workers and people, of the lives of honest and militant fighters, the class struggle reminded us that the working class and the peoples have no future, no perspective for genuine social change, for socialism, if they do not have a genuine Proletarian Party, tempered in the class struggle and formed on the basis of the communist ideology, Marxism-Leninism.

On the 25th Anniversary of the fascist military coup, the working class and the people of Chile do not only have defeats to show, but mainly a treasure of valuable lessons learned through blood and 18 years of ideological, political and organizational efforts for the construction of a genuine Marxist-Leninist Party. These efforts have been crowned with success in the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC(AP). This party has no commitment other than that which emanates from revolutionary consistency, from Marxism-Leninism, from the Revolutionary interests of the working class and the peoples of Chile. It has been able to and can provide, unlike any other organization that calls itself left or revolutionary, the elements that allow us to expose the true causes of the past events, to face with success the present revolutionary struggle and point out its perspectives.

To conclude, let us present the following excerpt from the Programmatic Thesis of the PC(AP) published in June of 1995: “The heroic days of struggle that preceded us should be summed up from an open, scientific point of view, leaving aside the dogmatist, idealist and essentially religious conduct that deprive them of any revolutionary essence, presenting them (the days of struggle. Note of translator) as something already concluded, not subject to an analysis that might expose their successes and shortcomings, the positive and negative lessons that emanate from them. Those who today proceed in that way disguise their ideological and intellectual inability, or even worse, persist in past errors that will lead to new defeats for the people.

“From a sound and correct point of view, both the objective and the subjective conditions that have determined all past struggle should be studied, in order to draw revolutionary scientific rigor correct lessons that will enable us to accomplish the historic demand of Popular Democracy and Socialism that our country requires today.

“Based on the understanding that the objective conditions (national and social oppression and exploitation) for a revolutionary change in a country like ours have always been present, it is above all necessary to analyze more profoundly the politics that were in control of past struggles.

“Without a doubt, the quality of the subjective factor is always of primary importance, and the outcome of the struggle, its victory or defeat, depends fundamentally upon this. The failure of past struggles are not a result of the absence or weakness of the objective factor, of historical fatalism, or betrayal by this one or that, and still less of the lack of commitment of our unselfish people. On the contrary, our people have filled thousands of pages with their heroism that would move anyone to tears.

“The resistance to and rejection of imperialism and reaction in the past, particularly in the republican period, could not rely on programs with a genuine revolutionary class alternative, for the destruction of the existing bourgeois power and the construction of a new one, of socialism. On the contrary, these alternatives had been based on progressive reforms, on ‘broadening democracy,’ on trying to gradually ‘take over’ the Capitalist State dependent on imperialism, seeking the ‘transformation’ of the latter to put it into the ‘service’ of the people and the workers. Based on this erroneous ideological and programmatic foundation of the former leaders of the Popular Movement, forms of struggles were developed that did not have the perspective of placing the seizure of power, that is the social revolution, on the order of the day. A good example of this is the parliamentary road, the ‘peaceful path,’ chosen by the Popular Unity, with the whole tragedy that this meant for the Chilean Workers and Popular Movement. This can also be seen in the anti-fascist resistance itself which, although it engaged in open and mass combat, even armed combat, was always carried out under the banner of the restoration of the bourgeois democracy that existed before September 11, 1973.

“In this trend the National and Social Liberation, the Popular Democratic and Socialist revolution was absent.

“The subjective factor, the political leadership and its ideas is therefore the determining element on which the workers and popular struggles depend. The collapse the former USSR and of the countries of Eastern Europe are the Universal proof of our statement, that what happened there was not the failure of Socialism, still less of communist ideology, but was, on the contrary, a consequence of their desertion and betrayal. Today this is clear even to the ultra-blind idealists, to those who did not want to see the revisionist and anti-communist reality of the leaderships of those Parties and those former States.

“National and international reaction have muddied the waters for a short historical period, some self-proclaimed leftist and revolutionaries have abandoned the trenches of struggle and have openly joined reaction, others still vacillate and in an opportunistic manner try to serve reaction and imperialism, using ‘progressive,’ social-democratic phrases.

“The masses, although temporarily confused, seek a way out of the crisis of capitalist super-exploitation, the workers and popular movements follow one another. In general, it can be stated that in Chile, as in the rest of the world, a new wave of revolutionary struggle of the workers and peoples is taking shape. This should be greeted with a revolutionary class ideology and politics, of a higher caliber than those in the past, which will really allow us to reach the objectives put forward for the present period and will assure the socialist perspective of the process.”

Source

Statement of Eduardo Artes, First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) on the demonstrations in Brazil

pcap1

DISCONTENT IN BRAZIL

Eduardo Artes

First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

June 21, 2013

General Aspects

The media shows us large demonstrations, bonfires and confrontations in Brazil. These are caused by the popular discontent; rejecting announced increases in public transport fares — the effects of capitalist politics in its neoliberal version.

President Dilma, Lula’s successor, says “the voices of the street and its social rights must be heard”. Certainly, there is a popular groundswell. The masses demand satisfaction, and important sectors have taken to the streets. Now, we need to think about what is happening there, about what capitalism’s salaried analysts are comparing to the so-called “Arab Spring.” A “Spring” that at the end of the day becomes a dark, pro-imperialist Winter.

From the more credible sources, it is clear that reactionary and even openly fascist sectors are making great efforts to derail the popular unrest and its demands, mobilizing under the “flag of Brazil”, singing the Brazilian anthem, shouting “proud to be Brazilian”,” away with the Cuban doctors, “no to corruption and vandalism “,and ” bring back the military. ” Fascist groups have attacked Left and Communist organizations, have beaten many of their members, destroyed their flags and signs. All to the cry of: “Without a party, without a party”.

The PCR, the Bandeira Vermelha Collective, the PCO, PSTV, PC do B, PT and other organizations which have participated in the mass demonstrations, openly confront, and are attacked by, fascist gangs. The latter, relying on the absence of revolutionary politics in the masses, try to channel the demonstrations into supporting an overtly fascist regime.

How is such a situation possible?

First, we need to bear in mind that the Dilma regime, like that of Lula before it, has at best been liberal. It has administered the state to the benefit of capitalism, indeed of neo-liberalism. There has been the development of a certain ‘national bourgeoisie’ with imperialist aspirations, and therefore degrees of contradiction and dispute with U.S. imperialism.

Being complicit with and political supporters of the regime, self-styled left organizations such as the PT and PC do B, have lost their ties with the masses, allowing the ideological and political disorientation of the same, distancing themselves from the goal of achieving a better society, SOCIALISM. This is one of the greatest blows suffered by the popular movement, as it strikes at working class and popular thought, presenting a negative image of the left and of communism, making them “responsible” for the negative social effects of shifting bourgeois administration s, which, incidentally has left room for reactionaries and fascists to be presented as an “alternative” way to overcome the deep existing social contradictions.

Reformist policies and practices, in abandoning the revolutionary and progressive ideology of Communism, are responsible not only in Brazil but throughout the capitalist world, for the disorientation of the masses, and for fascist resurgence, arrogance and impudence. How else can we explain that, with everything the fascist military dictatorship of Pinochet did, today we are governed by its supporters? What will happen in Chile with Bachet in La Moneda, supported by the so-called “left”; with the PS , PPD and PC, administering the capitalist state while the masses are asking for their rights and making their demands?

The Communist Position and a Call

First of all from Chile, from its Communists, which is to say the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP), we express our solidarity with the struggle and popular demands of the Brazilian people, with the important efforts of healthy communists forces to place them on a progressive path, to prevent their being exploited by the fascists. Secondly, we make an urgent appeal to those calling themselves communists and progressives in Brazil who are part of the capitalist management of the State, to rectify themselves and to take the independent working class and popular political position demanded by the masses, and to abandon all petty bourgeois illusions about “humanizing” capitalism. Thirdly, and in the case of our country, to learn the lessons of this case, working to strengthen the People’s Revolutionary Democratic alternative, making it visible in the eyes of the majority of the people. To prevent that the opportunism of the PS and PC leadership towards Bachelet’s neoliberal project and its self-styled “new majority” damage the credibility of the revolutionary SOCIALIST road, an opportunism which would cloud popular political understanding and pave the way for a fascist military coup.

INDIGNADOS EN BRASIL

Eduardo Artés

Primer Secretario del Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria)
PC(AP)

21 de junio de 2013

Video: A 100 años del Natalicio de Kim Il Sung

Actividad en conmemoración de los 100 años del nacimiento del Camarada Kim Il Sung realizada por el Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) PC(AP) el día viernes 13 de Abril.

Los comunistas chilenos recalcamos la importancia de esta actividad, ya que apoyar a la República Popular Democrática de Corea es parte importante de la lucha anti-imperialista y por la revolución y el Socialismo.

ACTO DE HOMENAJE AL PRIMER CENTENARIO DEL NACIMIENTO DEL CAMARADA KIM IL SUNG

El 13 de Abril en la ciudad de Santiago de Chile, el Comité Regional Metropolitano, por encargo de la dirección del Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) PC(AP), realizó un significativo acto de homenaje a los CIEN AÑOS DEL NACIMIENTO DEL CAMARADA KIM IL SUNG.

En la ocasión junto a los vídeos, intervenciones y a la música revolucionaria de homenaje al camarada Kim IL Sung, se dio lanzamiento a la edición del libro titulado ” A CIEN AÑOS DEL NACIMIENTO DEL CAMARADA KIM IL SUNG”, el contiene un artículo del camarada Eduardo Artés titulado: ” A CIEN AÑOS DE SU NACIMIENTO, EL CAMARADA KIM IL SUNG VIVE EN LAS MENTES Y CORAZONES DE LA CLASE OBRERA Y DE LOS PUEBLOS” y la obra del camarada Kim IL Sung titulada ” ALCANCEMOS LA GRAN UNIDAD DE NUESTRA NACIÓN”, escrita el 1 de agosto de 1991.

Es de destacar el gran entusiasmo de los asistentes, reflejado, entre otras cosas, en el hecho de que compraron varios ejemplares del libro en lanzamiento, de manera de hacerlo llegar rápidamente a otros camaradas y compañeros. El libro en estos momentos se está distribuyendo por medio de los militantes del PC(AP) en todo el país.

Chile, sus trabajadores y pueblos, desde el PC(AP), no nos hemos quedado al margen de los actos de homenaje que en todo el mundo, partiendo por la República Popular Democrática de Corea RPDC, se llevan a cabo en este primer centenario del gran dirigente comunista, del camarada Kim IL Sung.

¡Honor y gloria al camarada Kim IL Sung!

Comisión Nacional de Comunicaciones
Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria)
PC(AP)

www.accionproletaria.com

PC (AP): Public Notice

Monday, 18 June 2012

On June 17, the Central Committee of Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action), PC (AP) has made its plenary meeting, in which have been discussed and decisions taken regarding:

National and international situation; Labour Party Masses and Fronts International Communist Movement.

We would like to know the following agreements and resolutions:

A) It reaffirms the campaign against the two neoliberal blocks consensus and the alliance, and the forthcoming municipal elections, our policy of abstention to them; The demand and struggle for a constituent assembly for a New Constitution with popular movements. Subjects that will increase the propaganda and activism permanent fronts respective masses.

B) They greet advances in the development of the Party’s mass work in the front student union, art and culture and population, noting an increasing influence on important sectors. Measures shall be taken to achieve new and greater achievements in the tasks. In the areas of union work, we welcome the participation and integration of leading activists and trade unionists to work on developing an alternative class and combative, both within and outside the CUT.

C) The need to develop, in the interests of workers, a line that accounts for the tasks related to the effects of the general crisis of capitalism, which allows us to affirm the correctness of the struggle of peoples for national sovereignty against imperialist intervention. The rejection of the aggression of NATO against the Middle Eastern countries, reaffirm our solidarity with the processes of struggle for independence and national sovereignty of countries like Bolivia, Venezuela and Ecuador in Latin America. Also, we reaffirm our support to countries that support and build socialism as in the cases of Cuba and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

The International Communist Movement, reaffirmed the need for unity from the principles of Marxism-Leninism, respecting the peculiarities of the processes of struggle in each country, keeping the discussion on secondary situations miscarry the necessary unity of the international communist claiming the materiality of the class struggle.

Central Committee of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

Chile: Anniversary of the Birthday of Salvador Allende

Tuesday, 26 June 2012

The anniversary of the birth of one of the great presidents have had democratic Chile was commemorated with a massive event.

This activity took place on June 24 in the municipality of San Joaquin, in the front of one of the greatest monuments in the country, which was the martyred president who dared to nationalize the copper industry and to promote measures for the people and against big corporations and Yankee imperialism, which was overthrown by a brutal and bloody fascist military dictatorship in 1973.

This event became present our Party, the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) – PC (AP), extensive spreading revolutionary literature, as well as lift up their red flags.

Also present at the occasion, along with other organizations, the Command Comprehensive Solidarity with Cuba and the Peoples Bicentennial – Chilean Chapter, who laid wreaths and whose deliveries took Comrade Alejandro Aravena, the PC (AP) , along with other colleagues, on behalf of both organizations.

National Communications Commission
Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

US Military Base in Concon, Chile

Under the mantle of the UN, the Yankee imperialists have established a military training base to train the police forces and police from other countries in the “art” of repressing social protest and struggle for sovereignty that is developing in Chile and Latin America.

It is necessary to make this news widely known, TO DEMAND that the government IMMEDIATELY CLOSE this base; we must mobilize and call upon all the residents of the country to denounce this violation of our national sovereignty, the submission of the government in total complicity with the Concertation and the leadership of the misnamed “Communist Party of Chile”.

Yankees Out of Chile and Latin America!

Down with the government, which is a puppet of Yankee imperialism!

National Communications Commission

Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP)

Source

Successful Conclusion to the Celebration of Victory over Nazi-Fascism Day!


Santiago, Chile, May 7, 2011

May 7, 2011 successfully concluded the series of events that the Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action) held in commemoration of the 66th Anniversary of the Victory over Nazi-Fascism. As part of the cultural celebrations, Party musicians and singers gave performances of high quality and interpretative content. We especially salute Comrades Alejandro, Enrique and Patricia who read with, with great emotion, Pablo Neruda’s poem Stalingrad. Likewise, we salute those comrades who prepared and screened historical videos about the Great Patriotic War and the defeat of Nazi-fascism.

A highlight of the evening, followed with great interest by all participants, was the main speech delivered by Comrade Eduardo Artes; whose speech was later published in pamphlet form, and distributed to the attendees.

A particularly emotional moment occurred when a participant of the evening’s events, Comrade Isaac Marquez approached the stand and presented Comrades Luis Aravena and Sanhueza Valdemar, of the Party leadership, a replica of the flag the Red Army hoisted in Berlin in 1945.

Comrades Edison Gutierrez of MAS-Chile; Vicente and Carlos of the Association of Peruvian Exiles in Chile; and Natalia of URRACAS de Emaus de San Bernardo were greeted with applause.

Below we reproduce Comrade Eduardo Artés speech and some pictures of the evening’s activities.

National Communications Commission of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)

STATEMENT OF EDUARDO ARTÉS, First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action).

Friends, comrades, and colleagues,

May 9th is a red letter day in the Soviet calendar and in the hearts of all communists and anti-fascists of the world, when the Nazi dream of “a thousand year Reich” falls and rolls in the dust. It is the day the red flag was raised by the Red Army in the heart of Berlin.

Today, as many in the West obscure the memory of May 9, 1945, insult socialism and seek to rehabilitate Nazi-fascist criminals, here in Latin America, in Chile, the Communists, the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) not only remembers this date, but studies those factors which brought it about. Far from a simple academic interest, we look to learn from it and thus make possible, in our own day, the overthrow of today’s imperialists; just as our comrades did with the brown beast, with Nazi-Fascism, in the Great Patriotic War, the anti-fascist struggle.

We must go to the root of the Soviet achievement — red, working class, and popular, as it was. For, it was certainly more than a simple victory; since attacked from all sides, many announced that the socialist state would be unable to withstand Hitler’s troops for even a month.

Many betted on the imminent defeat of the Soviet Union; in fact, openly proclaimed it. U.S. Congressman Martin Lice said, on June 24, 1941: “Within a month, Hitler will take over all of Russia“, and June 27th of that same year, the New York Post reported that “to save the reds from imminent defeat would require a miracle of biblical proportions.

But there were not only propagandistic and overt pro Nazi-Fascists proclamations; within the “Allies”, Britain and the U.S., its reactionary circles, dreamed of destroying the Soviet Union. Winston Churchill, giving vent to his anti-communism, encouraged the fascists to destroy the USSR. He did not hesitate to call for “drowning the baby in its crib”; and in October 1942, before the Stalingrad counter-offensive said: “We have to stop these barbarians in the East, as far away as possible.” Of course, Churchill counted on the Nazi Germans to “stop” the Soviets, and not that the latter would resist, and then get to Berlin itself.

It is well known that both the U.S. and Britain, forced into alliance with the Soviet Union due to a broad world-wide democratic and anti-fascist movement, took thousands of petty little actions to hamper the resistance and the subsequent Soviet advance against Hitler’s troops. Among other criminal acts, the Western “allies” repeatedly withheld valuable intelligence that could have saved thousands of civilian lives, the destruction of hospitals, schools, housing, food crops, military material, and of course the arms and lives of thousands of Soviet soldiers.

In 1943, in the very midst of the war, the Western “allies” tried to reach an agreement with Nazi generals and redirect the war solely against the Soviet Union. Furthermore, at the end of the war, England, and particularly U.S., protected a large number of Nazi officials and war criminals, transferring many of them outside Germany, even to Latin America, where they directly or indirectly gave their criminal experience to reactionary and fascist regimes, among others, that of Pinochet in Chile.

The U.S. brought home more than 180 German scientists, including their families, who were developing nuclear weapons and missiles for the Nazis. Today, without much trouble, we can say that both the U.S. and England had as a principle reason for their late and half-hearted participation in the anti-fascist coalition, preventing most of post-war Europe from having socialist regimes. They intervened to snatch popular victory away from the partisans in Greece and Italy, and from the Maquis in France. That is to say, to paralyze and destroy the popular guerrilla movements, which, led by Communists, were installing peoples democracies and socialism.

At that time, the dream of the so-called “Western democracies” vanished. This dream was to see the young proletarian State, led by genuine communists defeated and destroyed at the hands of Nazi-fascism. The end of this dream brought on the class hatred of their wretched reactionary leaders.

That the imperialists, the U.S. and Britain, acted thusly was somewhat predictable. We need to remember this, so that no one gets lost when analyzing the behavior of imperialist powers. What can be said to have been surprising to some, and repulsive to all, was the similar behavior of someone who presented himself, in life, as an authentic proletarian revolutionary, but who as has been demonstrated, was only venting his anti-communist spleen – I mean the foolish actions and the miserable figure of Leon Trotsky.

Between 1938 and 1940, just when Soviet workers, peasants and patriots were preparing with great heroism and sacrifice to deal with the impending Nazi-fascist aggression, Trotsky argued that ” the defense of the country can only be ensured by destruction of the autocratic clique of saboteurs and usurpers” and the insisted that “only the overthrow of the Kremlin separatist group can restore the military strength of the USSR. All who, directly or indirectly support Stalinism, all those who exaggerate the strength of his army, are the greatest enemies of the socialist revolution and of oppressed peoples. ““Only the Soviet proletariat rising against shameful new parasitic tyranny can salvage what’s left of the social foundations of the gains of October”. Moreover, so that none doubt the help and assistance given by Trotsky to the Nazis, in the midst of conflict, he once again, called for an uprising against the General Staff of the Anti-fascist struggle. Trotsky said that “the gains of the October Revolution he can only serve the people if they can stir action against the Stalinist bureaucracy, as when acting against the Tsarist bureaucracy and bourgeoisie (…) this can only be achieved one way: through the rising of the workers, peasants and Red Army soldiers against the new breed of oppressors and parasites. To prepare a rising of this magnitude requires a new party, the Fourth International. “

Trotsky’s interests coincided well with that of the Nazis, he supported the cowards and opportunists who sought to bring the Soviet Union to its knees before the brown beast. What a shame for the reactionaries and fascists that Trotsky’s new party, the “Fourth International”, was not taken to by the working class in the Soviet Union, or by the working class in any country. If they had, perhaps the Great War could have been prevented, the Red Army would never have come to Berlin and the world today would be ruled by the Nazi-fascists!

The denial and negation of the USSR’s principal determinant contribution to the fight for freedom, democracy and socialism, was not heard yesterday, when it prosecuted the war against the Nazi-Fascist Axis, at a time when reactionaries the world over boycotted the USSR, but TODAY.

66 years after the glorious 9th of May, 1945, they continue to deny the fundamental role in the defeat of Nazi-fascism played by the Red Army of Workers and Farmers, guided by the its Bolshevik leadership with Comrade Joseph Stalin at the helm. But the truth cannot be hidden forever, on the contrary, this stands out, like it or not — it is revolutionary.

Who can deny that the Soviet Union, the Red Army destroyed 80% of the German Nazi army in unforgettable battles such as Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, Belorussia or Berlin; that 8 out of 10 soldiers killed in the war by the Germans, occurred on the eastern front; that of all the dead soldiers and civilians around the world during and following the war, a total of 50 million, 27 million were Russians. That was the tremendous contribution and sacrifice the land of the Soviets gave towards the defeat of the brown beast. The hatred and resentment of reactionaries around the world is understandable!

It is necessary to take into account the starting point of the Soviet state in its fight the war Nazi-fascism. Among many the factors to consider: The earlier disaster for old Russia, of the First World War; the backwardness of the peoples and nations that formed the Soviet Union under the old regime, with all the obscurantism and autocratic feudal remnants of tsarism; the recent nature of the revolution and seizure of power by the Bolsheviks, at the head of the worker-peasant alliance; the war against the intervention of the imperialist powers, which sought and to restore tsarism and drown in blood and fire the newly formed socialist state, a war that caused death and destruction and delayed the needed economic and social reconstruction demanded by the new society; and the resulting continued class struggle under the conditions of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Furthermore, a reactionary and imperialist subversion promoted by well-paid agents distributed throughout the vast Soviet territory, which, with the support of the overthrown classes, carried out terrorist attacks, which caused extensive damage to production, and even the assassination of important cadre of the proletarian state, and as a final millstone, the work of revisionist and opportunist saboteurs, not least of which was Trotskyism, which as had been proven, often acted in unity and coordination with reaction, and even with the Nazis.

How does one explain that, in those years, the Soviets defeated the destructive machinery of the world’s most devastating war? Reply, but say it loudly, proudly, like a Communist, so that the reactionaries’, imperialists’ and traitors’ ears rumble. Say that it was the patriotic and revolutionary determination of the working class, the peasants, and the Soviet peoples, resulting from the correct direction of the Communist Party with Comrade Stalin at the head; it was the result of the ironclad unity of the proletarian state, the Communist Party and the Soviets. There was no other, nor there another explanation for such a great feat!

Our commemoration of the defeat of Nazi-fascism would be incomplete if we do not recall the great ramifications, at all levels, which this victory had on the communist movement and revolutionary movements for democracy and freedom worldwide. For example, it brought the global struggle for decolonization to a new level, contributing significantly to the emergence, among others, of an independent India, the birth of the People’s Republic of China and the countries of Popular Democracy in Eastern Europe. The struggles for national liberation and sovereignty properly became part of the struggle for socialism, as these occur in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolutions.

As part of our tribute to the 66th anniversary of May 9, 1945, we believe that is absolutely necessary to highlight the line Popular Front line agreed to at the Seventh Congress of the Third International, or Comintern, held in Moscow in July 1935, and the formulations and Report approved there, the report of the outstanding communist Georgi Dimitrov.

The first thing that needs to be understood, in all its dimensions, is that it was a tactic which, together with supporting democratic regimes and uniting with anti-fascist forces, brought the fight against Nazism and fascism to a new level. It was a clear expression of the approach and progress to socialism, and this is because it was formulated by the Communist International, whose analysis was that of true socialism, scientific socialism, utilizing the existing Soviet experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Popular Front policy permitted the overcoming of, among other deviations, the sectarian policy of the German Communist Party, which equally combated Social Democracy and fascism. Although that party cannot be said to be that is responsible for the triumph of Hitler in 1933, that mistaken policy facilitated his rise.

Popular Fronts were born and grew challenging the spread of reaction, and in the heat of battle against fascism. Fascism was already a reality during the global crisis of the 30’s. Fascism had consolidated its hold in Italy, then in Germany. The fascists were presented as saviors of “national values”, which were being destroyed by bourgeois democracy and Marxism. Fascism, based on the more conservative bourgeois layers, sought as its primary aim, curbing and destroying the progress of the struggle for socialism represented by the world’s communist parties and, especially, the example of the emerging Soviet Union and its Bolshevik leadership under Stalin, which was the natural orientation of workers and peoples, both in the developed capitalist countries, and in those of dependent capitalism.

This Popular Front line not only had to face the intense fascist reaction against which it was formed, but also against Trotskyism, that eternal ally of reaction, which accused the Popular Front of abandoning any independent political action of the proletarian class. The Trotskyites did not understand or did not want to understand, that the Popular Front policy came from the proletariat for the unity of all anti-fascist forces.

We must bear in mind, that Trotskyism’s opportunistic criticism were supported by some revisionist practices, clear and specific deviations that were expressed in some communist parties, when implementing the Popular Front policy. A good example of this can be found in the old “Communist” Party of Chile, which made a strong shift towards the Right and towards revisionism, during the period of the Popular Front policy, falling squarely within the opportunist views, held in those years, by the Secretary General of the Communist Party USA, Earl R. Browder; who, as a result of this deviation, was expelled from the Communist movement, not only by the Third International, but by the Communist Party, USA itself.

One has to remember the efforts of Ricardo Fonseca to defend the proletarian revolutionary character of the Popular Front. He upheld the principles of Marxism-Leninism within the “Communist” Party of Chile, assumed the General Secretariat of the party, and defeated the former secretary general (forced to resign), Carlos Contreras Labarca, who was deeply committed to the ideological and practical deviations of the Browderist right. Luis Corvalan, who after the death of Ricardo Fonseca, on July 21, 1949, adopted the positions of Browderism and its ideological sibling, Khrushchevite revisionism – the greatest tragedy of the contemporary international communist movement. Moreover, during the defeat and slaughter that marked the fascist coup in Chile in 1973, Corvalan himself wrote that “Browderite revisionism made a dent in our party, weakening its ability to fight imperialism and weakening its role as vanguard of the working class in the struggle for its interests. Additionally, it tended to disarm the party ideologically in face of the immediate post-war struggles it would face.”

It is clear that, although there was no final victory, efforts were made within the “Communist” Party of Chile, by Marxist-Leninist to uphold the Third International and the Popular Front line. Therefore, the fraudulent efforts made by Trotskyites to present the Popular Front and its legal practices as a revisionist concept leading to the abandonment of the proletarian revolutionary path, are nothing but a hoax.

As an example, and in order to clear away some more of the lies put forward about the Popular Front policy, one should examine the program supported the Popular Front in Spain, which, as can seen, did NOT in any way entail “a waiver of class independence” : The Republican Party, Republican Left, Republican Union and the Socialist Party, General Workers Confederation, the National Federation of Young Socialists, the Communist Party, the Unionist Party, the Workers Party of Marxist Unification, while safeguarding their doctrinal principles, came to an understanding and a common political plan to strengthen its electoral lineup, and the standard of governance needed to develop the Republican left, with the support of labor, in the case of electoral victory. They publicly the bases and limits of their political consensus; and furthermore, they offered it consideration of the remaining Republican and labor organizations.

Today there is no longer a Soviet Union nor a strongly led world Communist movement, based on firm Marxist-Leninist positions, openly engaged in a multi-faceted battle against imperialism and reaction, against opportunism and revisionism — and their cousins, the Trotskyites. But, there are still communist parties and revolutionary organizations which adhere to the path of revolution and socialism. We seek to work to unite the revolutionary labor movement on a Marxist-Leninist, anti-imperialist and internationalist basis. These are the forward steps of today’s anti-fascist, democratic, popular and socialist struggles.

We are currently undergoing major mass protest movements among workers, peasants and youth, ranging across five continents. Lately, after the great workers’ demonstrations in Europe against unemployment and the capitalist crisis, we witnessed the uprising of the Arab peoples in the Middle East. The flags of freedom, against neo-liberalism, and for the revolution and socialism, are waving in the hands of millions, adding to the heroic and long Palestinian struggle against Zionism and imperialism.

Today there are societies that are undergoing a remarkable struggle for national sovereignty, for the right to the social development of their people. These are born and are driven forward by broad popular democratic mass movements, and within them, revolutionary and communist forces, with various levels of revolutionary development and proletarian political understanding. They are making efforts to properly address immediate tasks, while reaffirming the perspective of socialist revolution.

Bolivia and Venezuela, their governments, stand out in our Latin America, in opposition to imperialist and hegemonic designs, in demanding respect for their sovereignty. They join the heroic struggle that, for over half a century has inspired the Cuban Revolution. Elsewhere, in the same direction, we have the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Nepal, and Belarus; all of them are engaged in a broad movement for national and popular rights and against capitalist imperialism.

We are clear about what happens when one cuts or abandons the ideological struggle in the face of bourgeois enemies. We should not care how these may be disguised, whether in leftist or rightist garb, we must give battle. The fall of socialist regimes, though momentary, is the leading example of where betrayal and revisionism leads. However, the wheel of history will not stop, and these countries, including those who were part of the Lenin’s and Stalin’s USSR, will come back to the future, socialism.

In the present struggle against the imperialist powers we have the experience of fighting Nazism and Fascism, and the experience of the Popular Front. These, which we have commemorated today, are a rich source of lessons in seeking to resolve the principal contradiction of the period in which we live and in bringing about a broad, anti-capitalist, mass movement, and a socialist victory. That is why we must beware of petty-bourgeois attitudes and positions; falsely leftist, which prefer to shake hands with the most reactionary rightists. Instead, we must make alliances with those sectors which, although objectively not Marxist-Leninist, are anti-imperialist and progressive, are in contradiction to and oppose imperialist hegemony. Likewise, we must especially beware of those who get carried away by excessive enthusiasm or are simply dedicated to sowing confusion; those who see “socialism” everywhere, confusing the contradictory processes of the struggle for national sovereignty and popular rights as automatically being socialist; and, not seeing them for what they are — part of the general fight for the Revolution and Socialism.

Petty bourgeois radicalism plays at revolution by attacking all those who are not with their maximum “program”. Whether they call themselves Trotskyites or not, whether they realize it or not, they act just like Trotsky. These appear different from the Khrushchev revisionists and their submissive and conciliatory false Parliamentary roads; but they are brothers in sowing confusion, liquidationism, and betrayal. They are the fifth columns of reaction. Embedded in the labor and peoples’ movement, they boycott the anti-fascist struggle; they deny the victory of the workers and peoples; and they deny the exploits of the Red Army, with Comrade Stalin at the head, which in its day destroyed the reactionaries’ dream to impose Nazi-Fascism on all mankind.

Comrades, the workers and peasants, the people, the democratic and revolutionary forces, the Communists were yesterday able to defeat Nazi-fascism. Today, let us arise and defeat imperialism. Let us achieve socialism.

Long live May 9, 1945!

Long live the Red Army and Communist Party of Stalin!

Long live the correct, proletarian, and revolutionary Popular Front!

Long live proletarian internationalism!

Long live Marxism-Leninism

Workers and peoples of the world, unite!

Launch of “Foundations of Leninism” in Chile

Under the 132 anniversary of the birth of Comrade Joseph Stalin, the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) under the responsibility of the Regional Committee “Luis Emilio Recabarren” held in Santiago to launch a own edition of “Fundamentals of Leninism”.

Along with musical performance and an excellent video related to the life and revolutionary struggle of Joseph Stalin, had a clear, strong and emotional involvement of Comrade Eduardo Artés, first secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP) who I urge this to deepen understanding of Marxism-Leninism and particularly in the theoretical legacy, endorsing with his life, with Comrade Stalin revolutionary practice.

On occasion he noticed a salute to the activity of a great-grandson of Comrade Stalin, which was extended to the entire PC (AP).

A moment of emotion and expression of strong feelings of solidarity and place tube at the end of Communist activity, moments before singing the Internationale, when all standing in silence provided a moment of silence in honor and tribute to the memory of Comrade Kim Jong IL, leader of the people of Korea and the Workers’ Party of Korea who died on December 17 and now mourns his people and the revolutionaries of the world.

National Communications Commission
Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

Source

PC (AP) Statement on Kim Jong-Il’s Death

I post this article here despite disagreements with the PC(AP)’s line on the DPRK, which seems to differ from most M-L parties.

— Espresso Stalinist

Dear comrades:

On December 17 comrade Kim Jong Il, top leader and leader of the Labour Party of Korea, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Korean people, died. His death attracted various comments and speculations by capricious and malicious agencies, reactionary and imperialist news, and even the machinery of war in Japan, U.S. and South Korea which are put on “maximum alert” and of course, as usual, not only the openly reactionary and imperialist pour their poison, also false anti-imperialist leftists stick their voice to refer to the death of Comrade Kim Jong IL, as the death of a “dictator”, a “Stalinist” to the Communists never been an offense, rather it is that we honor appoint “Stalinist.” All with morbid excitement seeking “signs of popular discontent” in order to reaffirm their reactionary plans, last minute, to justify an imperialist military progression.

For those who, from Marxism-Leninism, assume the national liberation struggle for popular democracy and socialism, the death of Comrade Kim Jong IL, is a source of genuine and deep regret. Korean people, under his guidance, learned to face the aggressive maneuvers of imperialism and the South Korean puppets, always sought the support and supported those who dared to walk on their own feet and use their own heads, who are not subjected to imperialist hegemony, many unresolved battles and all the lands with which the DPRK under the leadership of Comrade Kim Jong Il, has demonstrated the dignity, courage and to stand with those who fight and defend self-determination, anti-imperialism, and socialism.

Comrade Kim Jong Il, through great courage and as an internationalist revolutionary, was not discouraged by the revisionist betrayal restored capitalism in the former USSR and other Eastern European countries, on the contrary, scientific and burning attachment revolutionary, unmasked as a betrayal of the working class, the people and its system, socialism, stating clearly that the main cause lies in the fact that the leaders of those countries moved away and abandoned the ideology of the working class, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.

At present we can only join the pain of the workers and people of Korea, and with them to honor the memory of Comrade Kim Jong IL, a loyal fighter for self-determination, national sovereignty, for socialism Only then can we impose the truth of the workers and peoples of the manipulations, falsifications and lies of the reactionaries and imperialists, and only win!

Honor and Glory to Comrade Kim Jong IL!

Eduardo Artés

First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP)

Source

PC (AP): Letter to the Russian Embassy in Santiago, Chile

Thursday, December 1, 2011

Under the 94th Anniversary of the October Revolution, leaders and members of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action), PC (AP), 11:00 hours, delivered a letter to the Russian embassy, ​​were chanted slogans against the semi-fascist dictatorship of the Medvedev-Putin mafia, alive at 94 years of working and popular epic, the leaders of Communism: Lenin and Stalin.

The letter delivered by Comrade Eduardo Alejandro Aravena Artés and was greeted by a Russian delegation member, who announced his nervousness by the need to stop persecuting Communist fighters, who fought fascism and socialism for the restoration work .

Chile’s Communists from the Party, the PC (AP), thus fulfilling their internationalist duty of solidarity with the comrades of the former Soviet Union, while proudly commemorate the anniversary of the dawn of 1917 workers, the great Bolshevik Revolution.

National Communications Commission
Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

www.accionproletaria.com

Thousands of demonstrators in Moscow celebrated the anniversary of the 1917 October revolution

In a new anniversary of the triumph of the Bolshevik Revolution, freedom for political prisoners who struggle to restore socialism.

Today, November 7 (October 25 in the old Russian calendar Gregorian), the workers and peoples of the world, commemorating the most important event in human history, from the emergence of social classes, and hence of class struggle, WIN of the working class, the oppressed and exploited, when the story took a turn through 180 degrees, that the hitherto oppressed and exploited, not only overthrew and destroyed the old power of the exploiters, but also initiated the construction of a new society, socialism, transitional society between capitalist society based on exploitation and oppression of workers and the masses, and the communist society free from exploitation and oppression of man by man.

Socialism Today, as a society and an expression of workers’ power does not exist in the former Soviet Union, the Soviet Union itself does not exist, but socialism is not dead in the land of Lenin and Stalin, on the contrary, he lives not only in the longing of the people and workers, but is present in the open struggle and concrete that they carry out. Everywhere, and as a result of popular pressure, are replaced monuments to Lenin and Stalin, the writings of them are increasingly read, the polls are saying that its inhabitants mainly want to return to live under socialism, the Russian authorities have expressed great concern that within the youth is living a true “STALIMANÍA”, young people have T-shirts with portraits of Stalin and get tattoos on their bodies with their image, demonstrations, labor strikes and student and multiply red flags with portraits of the leading Bolshevik leaders. Reactionary anti-working class government, anti national anti popular and Boris Yeltsin, Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev today, acting according to its reactionary nature, have been based and management based on repression, imprisonment of anti-fascist fighters and for socialism. Today there are hundreds of political prisoners in various jails in the countries of the former Soviet Union accused of various crimes invented by fascist police themselves, such is the case, among many others in Russia, fascism Solopov Maxin, arrested and imprisoned by the Alexy Gaskárov communist fighter, just for participating in demonstrations in July 2010 anti-fascist, and Nadezhda Raks, Larisa Romanova, Olga Nevskaya, Tatiana Nejorosheva, communist comrades on which the Russian police had fabricated evidence to hold them accountable for blowing up a police building; NO comrade, despite the constraints and torture, has acknowledged involvement in the incident.

Today, Russia is the most prominent of what was once the Soviet Union’s heroic and dignified lives in the paradise of the mafia, the evils of capitalism, where scandal has increased infant mortality and poor quality of life, reached in both the social decline that, according to the UN (an organization that no one, not a fool, could be accused of being a communist), argues that “Russia is experiencing a demographic crisis,” arguing that “143 million people in the 2005, and considering current demographic trends, by 2030 the country will have only 128 million people “. Today in capitalist Russia, life expectancy has dropped to just 60 for men and 65 for women.

In 1990-1991, 25 December last year, ended the Soviet Union, took the red flag of the Kremlin, giving an end to a long period of capitalist restoration, started from the XXII Congress of the Communist Party Soviet Union (1956), degeneration process led by the traitor and revisionist successor Nikita Khrushchev and Brezhnev, Andropov and Gorbachev, the latter being openly capitalist policies and summarized in the so-called “Perestroika” and “glasnost”, which gave to the grand final stab Proletarian Revolution of November 7, 1917.

In these moments when the various imperialist powers, led by Yankee imperialism, including Putin-Medvedev’s Russia, with blood and fire devastate the sovereignty and independence of countries, nations and peoples, and when they claim that the effects and consequences of the general crisis of capitalism, ie the imperialist crisis itself, as we live the highest and final stage of capitalism, imperialism, pay the workers and peoples, AS IT TAKES THE SOVIET UNION LENIN AND STALIN! .

Chile’s Communists, from the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action), PC (AP), faithful to the principles of Soviet Socialist Revolution, embodied in the Communist Party (Bolshevik) and its leaders, Lenin and Stalin, in this November 7, 2011, first express our tribute to the heroic deeds and proletarian socialism in the exURSS if existed and showed its superiority in relation to capitalism, while we demand that all reactionary regimes of the former Soviet Republics and in particular, the Putin-Medvedev government in Russia, to end the repression of the antifascist fighters for socialism, to release political prisoners.

The repression and prison have never been, and may not be in the land of Lenin and Stalin, to prevent the triumph of socialism, which no doubt once again restored in Russia and other republics of the former USSR, will again be based support and inspiration to the workers and oppressed peoples on a global level.

Experience a new anniversary of the immortal Soviet Revolution!

Socialism is more valid than ever, and will sooner or later be restored in the countries of what was once the Soviet Union!

Central Committee
Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

International Council for Friendship and Solidarity with the Soviet people.
Santiago, November 7, 2011

Source

Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP) on Syria

For the Self-Determination of Peoples, With Syria & its People

Eduardo Artés
First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

Once accomplished the genocide against the people of Libya and the assassination of its leader, Colonel Gaddafi, called imperialist military rule and its NATO mercenaries and foreign criminals, the recolonization of the country. The heads of imperialism, particularly the U.S., starting with the head of the White House, Sen. Barack Obama to McCain, have spoken with direct threats against those who do not want to comply with his baton and have placed at the center of their immediate and urgent intrigue and aggression against Syria, its government headed by Bashar Al-Assad and the Baath Arab Socialist Party.

Barack Obama morbidly pleased with all the misdeeds and aberrations conducted on the body of Colonel Gaddafi has threatened to that destination for all the “dictators”, ie those who are not willing to be puppets and fight for self-government, sovereignty and the social system itself, sovereign peoples according to their interests and give it. Mc Cain has been much more explicit, said: “Now that the military operations in Libya are finished, there will be a renewed focus on military operations practices that could be considered to protect civilian lives in Syria.” As an element important to follow this, is the fact that by the end of the year, U.S. out of Iraq claim to have most of its occupation forces, Obama has said that all (let the trainers, consultants, ie the real puppet army commanders and security forces armies of foreign mercenaries, with some Chileans included), so that Yankee imperialism may have a significant number of troops in Iraq today immobilized.

From the popular uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia against pro-imperialist dictatorship ruled there, as well as those that occur today in Yemen, which some have erroneously called “revolutions” that just around the corner and lack a truly popular, revolutionary leadership is giving “the return of the dog”, from the most obscurantist religious fundamentalism, are ensuring the reactionary power in both countries and with them the rule of the imperialists. The U.S. and NATO instrument, with the help of the mafia machinery of the Zionist state of Israel, focused on Libya and Syria who have spoken in opposition and resistance to Zionist and imperialist domination and in the case of Syria, its clear commitment to the cause of National Liberation of the Palestinian people, the imperialists are trying to present, to pass direct aggression, his cynical use of existing social and political contradictions within these countries, armed mercenaries and criminal gangs autoreclamadas of “rebels” as similar to the uprisings in the above named countries, with Libya have already achieved its target temporarily, and aggression center today is Syria.

The outstanding Russian international analyst Tajeldine Laila, which is not communism or government official in Syria, says: “It is likely that the United States. Follow aggravating the situation in Syria, causing more deaths … with the support you are giving weapons to the mercenaries in the country, in order to justify a measure of the Security Council of the UN or NATO intervention in itself. ”

Imperialist intervention in Syria is multifaceted, ranging from misinformation, concealment of it, until the more brash assembly, the discovered that you see, the media in the hands of monopolies do not deny, installing the lie as truth, this is well known, but it is worth pausing to consider some facts. “Amnesty International” released around the world for a young Syrian Zainab, the sister of an opponent of the government of Damascus, whose body was reportedly dismembered after “be” kidnapped, tortured and killed by police in Syria, I place Zainab international press as the “symbol” of the opposition as the best example of the “barbaric” the Syrian regime, a few days Zaina appears on television in Syria and denying all alive, explaining that she was gone from home due to conflicts with his brothers, because one of them hit him, or “Amnesty International” and the big dam, said nothing, simply forgot Zain and immediately went in search of “new” samples of the repression of “dictatorship” of Damascus.

The Yankee ambassador in Damascus intervene directly to support the bands of mercenaries, as we saw in the news are presented as “peaceful protesters”, it is interesting to observe Syrian police usually unarmed, while the tiny groups of “peaceful protesters “armadazos to the teeth, making their attacks alone and then disappearing. With good reason thousands of Syrians have demonstrated outside the U.S. embassy and have thrown eggs, tomatoes and others.

The Syrians and so say the progressive sectors of the country, from the very government of Bashar Al-Assad and the Baath Arab Socialist Party, are focused on national unity to restrain the imperialist-Zionist aggression and to this end, actions are being implemented economically to ensure more comfort to the population, while working for the political, by a new constitution that guarantees that more accurately account for current demands and aspirations of the majority of Syrian people.

Shaaban advisor to the senses of Syria said clearly: “We want to build a democracy and pluralism, but protecting our culture and our individuality. We do not want to be a copy of the West. We are Arabs. We are Muslims and Christians are Arabs and we have 7000 years of history. We are a rich civilization, so we will not drink Coke and eat McDonalds. We have our own food, our own drink, our clothes, culture, we have our education, so Democrats want to be our way, not to yours. ”

On October 12 in Damascus alone, more than a million demonstrators took to the streets against the imperialist-Zionist intervention, national sovereignty, the right to have government without imperialist interference that they, the Syrians estimate. Now we have the voice of the people and workers of the world, patriots, progressives and revolutionaries, whom we claim from the anti-imperialism, from the sovereignty of the people, from social justice and in our case and also from the social and Communism, we call upon everyone to reflect, to avoid falling into the traps imperialists, not to be afraid to take a firm and consistent anti-Yankee, anti-Zionist and anti-NATO, to fight for peace and non-interference in Syria NOT to re-colonize Syria with Libya is they do.

October 27, 2011

http://www.prensa6.cl/?p=9150

http://www.forocomunista.com/t13683-por-la-autodeterminacion-de-los-pueblos-con-siria-y-su-pueblo

http://jcb-cochabamba.blogspot.com/2011/10/por-la-autodeterminacion-de-pueblos-con.html

http://nuevademocraciapanama.blogspot.com/

Source

Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action): The Assassination of Gadhafi

Comrades and friends:

With the murder of Gadhafi, we Communists in Chile, that is, members of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC(AP), have decided to make our own the declaration of the PCmlm of Bolivia, which to our understanding has the correct communist position in relation to the imperialist criminals.

Only the lost revisionists and their cousins, the Trotskyites, the pro-Trotskyites and in general all the agents of the bourgeoisie and imperialism, regardless of how they present themselves, can join in the fascist celebration of the murder of Gadhafi.

We communists, who are fighting for Popular Democracy, Socialism and Communism, will never celebrate a murder which the imperialists want to use to symbolize their rule, their re-colonization of a sovereign country, today of Libya. On the contrary we will always be together with the anti-imperialist struggle, the heroic combat of the nations and peoples for national salvation against imperialist aggression and subjection, everything that is part of the Marxist-Leninists today we must stress very energetically and not only for the imperialist propaganda and manipulation of information, but also for the shameful and repugnant role of the reactionary and imperialist bootlickers who dishonor the glorious name of COMMUNIST.

We of the PC(AP) were not only not “critical” observers of the massacre of the heroic Libyan people, nor did we put NATO and the Gadhafi government on the same level. On the contrary we denounced the so-called persistent Libyan “rebels” who put themselves under the infernal and criminal umbrella of the NATO bombings. Our party press, our speeches and the street demonstrations show our struggle in solidarity with the people of Libya, against the aggression for re-colonization by NATO.

As an example of the position of the COMMUNISTS in Chile, that is, of the PC (AP), see our declaration of Friday March 25 and a video made by Quilicura TV.

National Communications Commission of the
Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

October 22, 2011

PC (AP): No to the Imperialist Aggression Against Libya!

The imperialist forces grouped in NATO and headed by Yankee imperialism, hiding behind a resolution of the always docile and manipulated UN Security Council, have unleashed a large scale criminal military aggression against the sovereignty of Libya. The reasons used are totally cynical and aim at a vile ‘protection of the civilian population,’ given the supposed attacks of the regime of Colonel Gaddafi against the population of his country. We have all witnessed how the imperialists ‘protect’ the civilian population; not only in the past but today they do it by criminally massacring the population and usurping the sovereignty of Iraq and Afghanistan, among others!

The imperialist planes and cannons are ceaselessly bombing various facilities Libya, and not only military ones as the reactionary news agencies claim. On the other hand if they were only military that would not be a justification either; only the Libyan people have the right to self-determination. Regarding their national sovereignty only they have the right to speak; no imperialist gang can arrogate to itself the role of gendarme and tell others how to be, act and live.

In order to take control of Libya, of all its oil wealth and principally to turn that country into a base from which to confront the democratic advance for sovereignty, social justice and finally the socialist perspective in course among the Arab peoples, the imperialists with all their war machinery are supporting the so-called Libyan ‘rebels’, that are grouped around the obscurantist flag of the old ‘kingdom’ of Libya.

It is clear that the regime of Colonel Gaddafi is not what it was said to be in his first years and that in practice it accepted the neo-liberal policy, that it has made agreements and did big business with the same imperialists that are attacking it today. That is the case, but today we are faced with an imperialist aggression against a sovereign country or one that should be sovereign and that the imperialists ARE GOING FOR EVERYTHING. Therefore our task, those who call ourselves communists, revolutionaries, democrats and progressive, is to confront widely and with the greatest possible unity the imperialist aggression of the Yankees and NATO against Libya, is to place at the centre of our support the pro-Libya and anti-Yankee anti-NATO cause and not to make unclear, confused calls of support to those who are supported by the imperialists within Libya who want to overthrow Gaddafi and, on the other hand to demand to stop the intervention of the imperialists in Libya .

At this time, objectively the Gaddafi regime is part of the front against imperialist aggression and NATO. Our goal is in the first place to defeat the imperialist aggression and from there, from the workers and peoples of Libya to advance towards a genuine popular democratic and socialist revolution.

In our country we must reject as shameful and despicable the position that the reactionary government of Piñera assumed in supporting Yankee imperialism and the criminal NATO. It did this hastily one day before OBAMA trampled on Chilean soil, as it did with the signing of the treaty of ‘nuclear cooperation’ between the U.S. and Chile on the eve of his arrival, nor in the forms that the Chilean reactionaries have some dignity faced with the imperialists.

Stop the criminal aggression of NATO headed by the Yankees against Libya!

All our support to the struggle for sovereignty and self-determination of the nation and peoples of Libya!

Open and many-sided struggle against the imperialists!

The people of Libya, the peoples will win!

Eduardo Artes
First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC(AP)
March 23, 2011

http://www.accionproletaria.com

Resolutions of the Central Committee Plenum of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP), held on October 2, 2011

1 – characterization is reaffirmed by the PC (AP), whose center is popular awakening, in taking the initiative from the masses, seeking to overcome neo-liberalism managed by the alliance (UDI and RN) and the consultation (PDC, PPD, SP and PR) today extended the brazen opportunism of the old revisionist and so-called “Communist” Party of Chile, “C”P , who act for the benefit of the big bourgeoisie and imperialism. This attitude developing among the masses, even this level of protest, the claim, the recognition of the “problem” to locate those responsible (discredit and widespread rejection of the “alliance” and “consultation” with the “c”p included) and not a political solution as background or true revolutionary is to overcome the fascist constitution of 80, and go half a year of mass demonstrations that have been felt open dissent, reigning boredom although this government beaten Piñera business (sole objective of the neo-liberal “consensus” and its appendices), it has not been installed from the masses, the need to move to overcome the system, at least in its neo-liberal expression.

2 – Along with highlighting the rise of mass struggle for their interests, the fight shows existing (and the vital need to deepen it) within the ongoing movement, between those who only aim to corner the government Piñera miserable and save the existing capitalist model, with some tweaking this and who we are clear with defeat by Piñera and his government, to overcome neo-liberalism and its straitjacket of the current Constitution and imposed from the base, from the protest and widespread popular uprising, a new People’s Democratic Constitution.

We can not allow political scammers consultation and the “c”p, once again seeking to use the popular protest and rebellion and drag the energy carried away by a new and popular government miserable “concertation more “c”p. Next to open combat against the neo-liberal alliance in government, we must fight relentlessly disgusting demagoguery of the agreement and its appendices.

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PC(AP): Successful Third Congress of the International Council for Friendship and Solidarity with Soviet People

Eduardo Artés & others from the PC(AP) at the World Congress for Friendship and Solidarity with the Soviet People

Translation by George G

On the 9, 10 and 11 of September, the Third World Congress of the International Council for Friendship and Solidarity with Soviet People took place in Toronto, Canada. It was attended by representatives of many organizations in the world, from different countries such as the former Soviet Union and former Yugoslavia, India, Sri Lanka (Tamil), Chile, United States, Canada, Australia, Finland and Great Britain. There were representatives of different organizations from some countries. Chile was represented by Comrade Eduardo Artés, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action). Several delegates were not allowed in the country to attend the Congress because the reactionary government of Canada refused to issue a visa. Nevertheless, to compensate for their absence, those delegates sent many greetings and statements indicating their strong commitment to the struggle for the achievement of our common objectives.

Frank Trampus opened the Congress, while Michael Lucas introduced the delegates participating in the sessions, and, in his capacity as main leader of the International Council, he led and guided the discussions throughout the debates and presentations.

Many topics were discussed: the main report presented by Michael Lucas, the different language editions of the magazine “Northstar Compass”, the situation in each country, the promotion of the magazine and of solidarity with the Soviet peoples, the struggle of communists, the necessary unity of the Soviet Communists on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, the denunciation of and the open struggle against revisionism, and the defence of the legacy of Lenin and Stalin.

All contributions and interventions were followed with great attention and generated several questions and comments from the delegates present. The presentation by Eduardo Artés, on the situation in Chile and on the struggle of the workers and the people, on the tasks of international solidarity and on the promotion of Spanish language edition of Northstar Compass, was greeted with enthusiasm by members present at the Congress.

Two books were launched during the Congress: “Khrushchev Lied”, by Professor Grover Furr, from the United States, and “U.S. Democracy: The U.S. Empire’s Indispensible Myth”, by Ray O. Light, also from the United States. Both authors provided an extensive overview of their works.

Presentations of firm Leninist orientation were made at the Congress by Michael Lucas, Frank Trampus, Antonio Artuso, Angelo D`Angelo, George Gruenthal, Eduardo Artés, María Donchenko, Viktor Bourenkov, Ray-O-Light, Manik Mukherjee, among others. The presence and intervention of General Alexander Fomin, a member of the Union of Soviet Officers, not only recalled the heroic role of the Red Army but also focused the debate on the revisionist treachery of Khrushchev and on the perspective of the revolutionary struggle to rebuild socialism today in what was the Country of the Soviets.

We would like to emphasize that although the Council is a broad international organization dedicated to the defence and promotion of socialism at the time of Lenin and Stalin, because of its superiority, its orientation is clearly defined: it is a Marxist-Leninist organization, focused on the struggle against and the denunciation of the reactionary capitalists in Moscow and the world, against the Trotskyites and the revisionists traitors, enemies of socialism, the working class and peoples.

Although nostalgia was evident, although the memory of socialism in the USSR led, at times, deep emotion among the delegates, particularly facing the current barbaric actions of the imperialist powers in the world, the criminal devastations in country, the brutal re-colonization of the latter, the Congress was in no way nostalgic. Instead, the delegates focused on today’s tasks to achieve the socialist, proletarian and soviet victories of the future.

The Third Congress of the International Council for Friendship and Solidarity with Soviet people was very successful. It ended with the adoption of resolutions and the sharing of tasks for the development of the struggle for socialism throughout the world and for the rebuilding of the Soviet Union. As for our Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP), our activists will firmly carry on our tasks, and we are confident that our comrades from other countries will follow suit. The broad unity and the communist struggle is the only way possible, and we will devote all our efforts to firmly continue on this path.

Long live the Third Congress of the International Council for Friendship and Solidarity
with Soviet People!

Today the STRUGGLE, tomorrow SOCIALISM!

National Commission for Communications

Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)

CCP (PA)