Category Archives: Kosova

Enver Hoxha on the Titoite Betrayal


“Traitors to Marxism-Leninism, agents of imperialism and intriguers like Josif Broz Tito, try in a thousand ways, by hatching up diabolic schemes like the creation of a third force, to mislead these people and the newly-set up states [in Africa and Asia], to detach them from their natural allies, to hitch them up to U.S. imperialism. We should exert all our efforts to defeat the schemes of these lackeys of imperialism.


U.S. imperialism has given and is giving billions of dollars to its loyal agents, the treacherous Tito gang.


It has been said that J. V. Stalin was mistaken in assessing the Yugoslav revisionists and in sharpening his attitude towards them. Our Party has never endorsed such a view, because time and experience has proven the contrary. Stalin made a very correct assessment of the danger of the Yugoslav revisionists, he tried to settle this affair at the proper moment and in a Marxist way. The Inform Bureau, as a collective organ, was called together at that time and, after the Titoite group was exposed, a merciless battle was waged against it. Time has proven over and over again that such a thing was necessary and correct.

The Party of Labor of Albania has always held the opinion and is convinced that Tito’s group are traitors to Marxism-Leninism, agents of imperialism, dangerous enemies of the socialist camp and of the entire international communist and workers’ movement, therefore a merciless battle should be waged against them. We, on our part, have waged and continue to wage this battle as internationalist communists and also because we have felt and continue to feel on our own backs the burden of the hostile activity of Tito’s revisionist clique against our Party and our country. But this stand of our Party has not been and is not to the liking of comrade Khrushchev and certain other comrades.

The Titoite group have long been a group of Trotskyites and renegades. For the Party of Labor of Albania, at least, they have been such since 1942, that is, since 18 years ago.

As far back as 1942, when the war of the Albanian people surged forward, the Belgrade Trotskyite group disguising themselves as friends and abusing our trust in them tried their uttermost to hinder the development of our armed struggle, to hamper the creation of powerful Albanian partisan fighting detachments, and, since it was impossible to stop them, to put them under their direct political and military control. They attempted to make everything dependent on Belgrade, and our Party and our partisan army mere appendages of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the Yugoslav National-liberation Army.

Our Party, while preserving its friendship with the Yugoslav partisans, successfully resisted these diabolical intentions. It was at that time that the Titoite group tried to found the Balkan Federation under the direction of the Belgrade Titoites, to hitch the Communist Parties to the chariot of the Yugoslav Communist Party, to place the partisan armies of the Balkan peoples under the Yugoslav Titoite staff. It was to this end that, in agreement with the British, they tried to set up the Balkan Staff and to place it, that is to say, to place our armies under the direction of the Anglo-Americans. Our Party successfully resisted these diabolic schemes. And when the banner of liberation was hoisted in Tirana, the Titoite gang in Belgrade issued orders to their agents in Albania to discredit the success of the Albanian Communist Party and to organize a “putsch” to overthrow the leadership of our Party which guided the National-liberation War and led the Albanian people to victory. The first “putsch” was organized by Tito through his secret agents within our Party. But the Albanian Communist Party frustrated this plot of Tito’s.

The Belgrade plotters did not lay down their arms and, together with their agent in our Party, the traitor Koçi Xoxe, continued the re-organization of their plot against new Albania in other forms, new forms. Their intention was to turn Albania into a seventh Republic of Yugoslavia.

At a time when our country had been devastated and laid waste and needed to be completely rebuilt, when our people were without food and shelter but with high morale, when our people and army, weapons in hand, kept vigilant guard against the plots of reaction organized by the Anglo-U.S. military missions who threatened Albania with a new invasion, when a large part of the Albanian partisan army had crossed the border and had gone to the aid of the Yugoslav brothers, fighting side by side with them and together liberating Montenegro, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosova and Metohia and Macedonia, the Belgrade plotters hatched up schemes to enslave Albania.

But our Party offered heroic resistance to these secret agents who posed as communists. When the Belgrade Trotskyites realized that they had lost their case, that our Party was smashing their plots, they played their last card, namely, to invade Albania with their army, to crush all resistance, to arrest the leaders of the Party of Labor of Albania and of the Albanian State and to proclaim Albania a seventh Republic of Yugoslavia. Our Party defeated this diabolic scheme of theirs also. Joseph Stalin’s aid and intervention at these moments was decisive for our Party and for the freedom of the Albanian people. Precisely at this time the Information Bureau exposed the Tito clique. Stalin and the Soviet Union saved the Albanian people for the second time.

The Information Bureau brought about the defeat of the conspiracies of the Tito clique, not only in Albania but also in other countries of People’s Democracy. Posing as communists, the renegade and agent of imperialism, Tito, and his gang, tried to alienate the countries of People’s Democracy in the Balkans and Central Europe from the friendship and wartime alliance with the Soviet Union, to destroy the communist and workers’ parties of our countries and to turn our States into reserves of Anglo-American imperialism.

Who was there who did not know about and see in action the hostile schemes of imperialism and its loyal servitor Tito? Everybody knew, everybody learned, and all unanimously approved the correct decisions of the Information Bureau. Everyone without exception approved the Resolutions of the Information Bureau which, in our opinion, were and still are correct.

Those who did not want to see and understand these acts of this criminal gang had a second chance to do so in the Hungarian counter-revolution and in the unceasing plots against Albania. The wolf may change his coat but he remains a wolf. Tito and his gang may resort to trickery, may try to disguise themselves, but they are traitors, criminals and agents of imperialism. They are the murderers of the heroic Yugoslav internationalist communists and thus they will remain and thus they will act until they are wiped out.

The Party of Labor of Albania considers the decisions taken against Tito’s renegade group by the Information Bureau not as decisions taken by comrade Stalin personally but as decisions taken by all the parties that made up the Information Bureau.


The Party of Labor of Albania remained unshaken in its views that the Titoite group were traitors, renegades, Trotskyites, subversionists and agents of the U.S. imperialists, that the Party of Labor of Albania had not been mistaken about them.

The Party of Labor of Albania remained unshaken in its view that comrade Stalin had not erred in this matter…


Some comrades hold the erroneous idea that we maintain this attitude towards the Titoites because, they claim, we are allegedly eager to hold the banner of the fight against revisionism or because we view this problem from a narrow angle, from a purely national angle, therefore, they claim, we have embarked, if not altogether on a “chauvinist course”, at least on that of “narrow nationalism”. The Party of Labor of Albania has viewed and views the question of Yugoslav revisionism through the prism of Marxism-Leninism, it has viewed, views, and fights it as the main danger to the international communist movement, as a danger to the unity of the socialist camp.


The Yugoslavs accuse us of allegedly being chauvinists, of interfering in their internal affairs, and of demanding a rectification of the Albanian -Yugoslav borders. A number of our friends think and imply that we Albanian communists swim in such waters. We tell our friends who think thus that they are grossly mistaken. We are not chauvinists, we have neither demanded nor demand rectification of boundaries. But what we demand and will continually demand from the Titoites, and we will expose them to the end for this, is that they give up perpetrating the crime of genocide against the Albanian minority in Kosova and Metohia, that they give up the white terror against the Albanians of Kosova, that they give up driving the Albanians from their native soil and deporting them ‘en masse’ to Turkey. We demand that the rights of the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia should be recognized according to the Constitution of the People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Is this chauvinist or Marxist?

 – Enver Hoxha, “Reject the Revisionist Thesis of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Anti-Marxist Stand of Khrushchev’s Group! Uphold Marxism-Leninism!”

Interview with Agim Xheka

ppshr stem


(This interview was requested by an independent newspaper but was not published)

Q: At a press conference a few days ago the Party of the United Communists of Albania declared that it would take part in the national elections. Does this mean alone or in alliance with the Communist Party?

A: When we said that we would take part in the elections, we were speaking for our party. We were nor referring to alliances. But we see the Communist Party in the framework of the aim of our congress, that of unity, that of creating a single communist organisation. The achievement of this aim will make us stronger and assist the people to evaluate us correctly.

Q: Do you think that this unity will be realised before the elections?

A. We are doing everything we can in this direction, but I cannot give you a precise reply at present. Inasmuch as our programmes are built on the same foundation, on the ideals of 8 November 1941, on the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and of Enver Hoxha, I can see no reason why unity should not be achieved.

I blame the delay in reaching full agreement on this question mainly on the fact that the communists have been working under conditions of illegality. But I cannot deny that disruptive activity on the part of saboteurs who have penetrated the movement are also a factor. Nevertheless, in today’s conditions, nothing can stop the drive to unity.

Albania is at present leaderless. The great powers are seeking to play with the destinies of the people, whose interests should be paramount. In this they are aided and abetted by today’s pseudo-politicians of the new bourgeoisie. Unless the communists are able to bring about this unity, the people will continue to be exploited by forces inside and outside the frontiers.

Q: Let us imagine for a moment that unity has been realised . . .

A: We communists do not dwell in the world of imagination. But we are convinced that the unity of the communists will be realised, and indeed very soon. Those who work to sabotage this unity know its strength and fear that one day they will be called to account before the people for the harm they have done to Albania and its national wealth.

Q: Are you convinced that, if this unity is achieved, the people will support you in the national elections?

A: Absolutely YES.

Q: You say YES with emphasis. On what do you base this belief?

A: I do not want to go into philosophy, but we bow to the criterion of truth which, as you know, is practice. What has practice shown in the history of mankind? Who overthrew the slave system: the slaveowners or the slaves? Or again, was the October Socialist Revolution made by the oppressors or by the oppressed? Let us come to our own history, to 1944. Who overthrew the feudal-bourgeois rulers and their backers, the occupiers of the country? It was the working people, led by the communists. But who were the communists? Were they representatives of the people or of the oppressors of the people?

The communists have been and are in uninterrupted struggle against the classes who oppress the people. Consequently, they are today in struggle against the bourgeoisie and the parties who support it. Whom should the people believe, the oppressors or the communists?

Q: Are the communists really defenders of the interests of the people?

A; Let me repeat: absolutely YES. This is an undeniable truth. And the people have learned this truth by their own bitter experience of the last ten years. And they have also learned that in the propaganda of the reactionaries, white is portayed as black and black as white.

Q: What is the principal lesson they have learned?

A: They will tell you themselves. They have learned that capitalism has its basis in the exploitation of man by man. They have learned that bourgeois politicians lie and cheat, that they are bandits and criminals.

Q: So the lesson you draw from these last ten years . . . ?

A: We communists did not need ten years to draw the lessons. The year 1991 was enough.

Q: How do you mean?

A: I will attempt to explain in a few words the mistakes that we ourselves made. This is the principal lesson.

Q: So you accept that you made mistakes? ,

A: Oh, certainly. But our mistakes were not of the kind portrayed by bourgeois propaganda. Our mistakes had nothing to do with communist ideals, with Marxist-Leninist ideology, or with the teachings of Enver Hoxha. On the contrary, our mistakes are all concerned with the failure to adhere to these teachings. The principal mistake which we and the people made was loss of vigilance, and it is a mistake for which we have paid very dearly. To concretise this, may I first ask how old you are?

Q: Twenty-five.

A. May you live to be a hundred! Let us look at a little history, because you are in the age-group which for the last ten years has received no proper education. It is necessary to be clear that we communists are not ‘ogres’, as you were taught at school, as we are portrayed by today’s authorities. We are honourable people. We are patriots. We are the first to make sacrifices and the last to make unfounded claims. We communists did not found the Communist Party in order to place it at the service of fascism We did not build power-stations to make profits for foreign companies, but to bring light to the people. We did not build fortifications to defend ourselves against imaginary enemies, but to protect the people against the fate which has befallen our Kosovar brothers. Finally, I ask you, did we communists fulfil the promises we made? Compare our promises with those made today. To repair a bridge today it takes several months to do what the communists would have done in a night. Such are the communist ‘ogres’, and the proofs are countless and indisputable.

Q: You spoke of ‘loss of vigilance’ and ‘mistakes’?

A: Yes, yes. The loss of vigilance occurred at the highest level, in the ranks of the Party of Labour (PLA) The ‘ogres’ entered the Party, or became ‘ogres’ inside it. Thus, after the death of Enver, the leadership of the party fell into the hands of cunning traitors like Ramiz Alia and Sali Berisha, who pretended to be ‘more Catholic than the Pope’. And these mistakes created the conditions which enabled internal and external reaction to realise their long-held aims of restoring capitalism.

Now the Party has cleansed itself of these traitors, and the people has learned where loss of vigilance leads. The people now know, and you will very quickly learn, who are the real communists, to be trusted.

Q: I hope that you succeed in bringing about unity, I wish you success in the elections, and I thank you.

A: Thank you.

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP): On the hidden inter-imperialist war and the imperialist plan for Yugoslavia


Article originally printed in 1999

The Nato operation on Yugoslavia has in fact proved once again to be a concealed and indirect inter-imperialist war. It seems that all imperialists were united behind this operation which was claimed to be for humanitarian reasons. However, different plans set for the solution of the problem continue to show the conflicts between Russia, European Union and the US.

In this process, old conflicts between the EU and the US have emerged with new appearances. Especially after the disintegration of the USSR, Germany, planning to be more influential in Central Asia and the Caucasus and to get its share from the oil and natural gas resources, tried to control the conflict in the Balkans to open the path for its own interests. This led to a confrontation with the US which has similar objectives in mind. While the US has won the support of Britain, Germany received the occasional support of Italy, Austria and France, in accordance with the changing balance of power. While the US tried to use Nato as an instrument for achieving its plans, the EU tried to keep Nato under its control via the UN. Faced with this complicated and changing combination of allies Russia supported Yugoslavia in order to strengthen its influence in the Balkans, and to create the ground for an alliance against Nato. Based on the fact that this problem was not a regional one but a problem related to imperialist plans on the Caucasus, the Middle East and Central Asia, Russia’s aim was to stop the attack at its beginning and to spoil the US and EU plans on Yugoslavia.

Obviously, the US and Britain, its closest ally, are more concerned about the new status of Kosova vis-a-vis Yugoslavia, than the sufferings of the Kosovar people.

A divided Kosova with a lose connection with Albania is the most desired result for the US. In terms of the “post-war status-quo”, the KLA will be the most suitable base for the US, playing the role as a military and political power tied to the US. This puppet organisation, which is as racist and nationalist as Serbian aggressors, is a suitable instrument for provoking new conflicts and wars in the region.

The US is planning to create a strong base in Albania and Montenegro to control the Adriatic with Kosova in the east and Macedonia in the south.

In terms of this “ultimate goal”, the “solution” of the problem in Kosova will actually be the beginning of new problems. Because it is very likely that, after Kosova, the US will spread its expansionist policies towards Montenegro, resulting in internal problems there to break its weak link with Serbia. However, attempts in this direction will obviously encounter the resistance of Europe and especially Greece. That is why the European powers were opposing the US, and stressing the idea of restricting the Nato operation and stopping it as soon as the minimum objectives were achieved.

The aims of the Nato operation had different meanings for its members, and there was no agreement on how it should be conducted. For example, Germany and France suggested that the operation should be conducted under the auspices of the UN, and it should aim to stop the Serbian attack and to secure the return of the Kosovar people to their homeland. They wanted civilian observation groups of the UN in the region, not the Nato military forces. This policy is obviously in line with France’s old plan to diminish Nato’s role of “world gendarme”. France is trying to put Nato under the control of the UN, while the US and Britain want to give Nato a more active role. This conflict of ideas appeared once again in late April at the Washington Summit where Chirac’s definition of the UN Security Council as the authority to give official permission to Nato operations taking place outside the territories of its member states was immediately opposed by Solana, the Nato General Secretary.

Another important outcome of the Summit was that it showed that the US plans were not restricted with Kosova and Yugoslavia. In the meetings with the leaders of Albania, Bosnia, Croatia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Slovenia and Romania, Clinton discussed the “restructuring of the region”, and an agreement was reached. When this new plan, agreed at least as a concept, is joined together with the status that is planned for Kosova-Albania, Macedonia and Montenegro, an effective pressure will be put on Greece in the north of the peninsula. For this reason, Greece, is trying to take measures to counter this possible pressure by trying to form alliances against the Middle East policies of the US, and signing nonaggression treaties with Syria, Armenia and Iran.

The post-war plans, on the other hand, remind us the imperialist “aid” packages, classic examples of which were the Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine implemented after the Second Imperialist War. Obviously, it is one of imperialism’s oldest methods to destroy and control the war-experiencing countries with wide scale economic, political and military programmes in order to make these countries more dependent. It seems that the EU is trying to take measures in order not to let the US get the biggest share in this area. Without doubt, Yugoslavia will be included in this “aid package” as the country suffering most from the destruction of the war. However, this will be with the condition of a change of the regime in this country, which will be used as another means of pressure and which will lead to a new conflict in determining which imperialist power will be the most influential on Yugoslavia.

These two consequences, in fact, contain a lot of contradicting elements, and show that in the forthcoming period the contradictions between the US and the EU will emerge in new forms, not only in the Adriatic region but also in the Balkans and the Middle East, including Turkey and Greece. This means that the Balkans will continue to be a region of new conflicts and wars, meaning more oppression and massacres for peoples.


“New Albania: A Small Nation, A Great Contribution!” Part IV: International Relations and the Foreign Policy of the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania

Albania is the only socialist country in the world today, and as such its foreign policy is different from the foreign policy of any other country. It follows an open, independent policy, guided by the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. This means that Albania constantly guards and maintains its independence and defends the interests of the socialist homeland. This also means that Albania supports the revolutionary struggles of the working class and people throughout the world, for national liberation and socialism working always to assist these struggles and to increase the fighting unity of the people against their common enemies.

In taking this stand, Albania opposes the threats and interference of the two imperialist blocs, headed by the U.S. and the Soviet Union. In contrast to the two superpowers, who dictate and dominate over the world’s people and whose rivalry for power is threatening all humanity with a new world war, Albania maintains a policy of peaceful coexistence with countries of different social systems. It develops foreign trade, cultural and scientific exchanges based on equality and mutual interest, and respect for freedom and national independence. It has always worked to strengthen sincere relations of friendship and collaboration with all the freedom-loving and peace-loving peoples, with all those who fight against the aggressive and hegemonic policy of imperialism.

Self-Reliance Paves the Way For Foreign Trade

On the basis of forty years of socialist construction, Albania has been able to build a strong and diversified economy. As a result it has increased its foreign trade, adding new products to its exports and achieving a balance of imports and exports. At present Albania has trade relations with over 50 countries and hundreds of firms. Its exports include fuels, electric power, chromium, ferrochrome, basic nickel carbonate, tobacco, fresh and canned vegetables, agricultural and artisans’ goods and other products. Machinery and some kinds of raw and primary materials for the expansion of production make up the overwhelming portion of imports. During this Five-Year Plan (the seventh), Albania is working to keep the growth of exports higher than imports. It gives priority to exports so as to ensure that the export-import balance results in the increase of their reserves for foreign currency.

In addition to foreign trade, Albania has cultural and scientific exchanges with many countries. It has always highly valued the friendship of peoples throughout the world, and their contributions to culture, science and the progress of humanity. lt has worked to extend its friendly relations on every continent. The reports of trips to and from Albania in the magazine, “New Albania”, give a vivid picture of the growing ties and friendship of Albania with the people of the world. Diplomatic relations have grown from year to year and in 1981 numbered 95 stetes and commercial and cultural relations exist with many more. These include countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America as well as in Europe.

How Does Albania Conduct Trade Relations While Remaining Free From The Domination and Dictate of the Superpowers?

One of the problems which confront the developing countries of the world is interference and control over their economies by one or the other superpower. The newspapers have been filled with the serious difficulties faced by the Latin American countries as they suffer under tremendous debt to the U.S. and particularly the U.S.-controlled International Monetary Fund. Using these debts as a club, the U.S. is demanding even greater sacrifice by the peoples of these countries and further increasing its control over these countries.

How is it that a small country like Albania is free from such domination? The answer lies in the socialist policies of Albania, beginning with the victory of the people’s revolution and continuing today. Albania has never accepted any inequality, discrimination, exploitation and political or economic submission it rejects all imperialist attempts to gain a foothold in Albania under the guise of trade.

Speaking at the Paris Peace Conference, 1946

Albania has been able to do this by implementing from the beginning the Marxist-Leninist principle of establishing state monopoly on foreign trade. This means that the state, which is controlled by the working class, concentrates in its hands all foreign trade activity. Albania’s economy is protected from indiscriminate flow of foreign goods and from the economic crisis of the capitalist countries. Thus, imports and exports are included in the economic plan. Albania trades its surplus of mineral products and energy in order to obtain products and technology it needs to sustain its industrial growth and meet the material needs of the people.

Visiting China

Since liberation, Albania has never allowed the resources of the country to be given away to foreign companies. As its Constitution states, “…In the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania, the granting of concessions to, and the creation of foreign economic and financial companies and other institutions or ones formed jointly with bourgeois and revisionist capitalist monopolies and states, as well as obtaining credits from them, are prohibited.” Albania is completely free of foreign debt and the entanglement and domination by the superpowers and other capitalist states which these debts create.

Thus Albania is living proof that even a small country and one which started out very backward economically can achieve socialist construction and maintain complete independence from the big imperialist powers, by relying on its own resources and uniting all its people in a valiant struggle.

Albania and the Struggle Against Revisionism

During World War II and after, Albania allied with the Soviet Union, then a socialist country. Under the leadership of Stalin, the Soviet Union provided assistance and fraternal aid to Albania. Based on a united struggle for building socialism and supporting the revolutionary struggles around the world, Albania and the Soviet Union had Lies of mutual benefit and cooperation.

But with the death of Stalin and rise of revisionism in the Soviet Union, a struggle broke out — not only between these two countries but between all the true fighters for socialism in the world and the traitors of the Soviet Union, who destroyed socialism and re-established capitalism. This was a just and vital struggle in the interests of the people, and the Albanians, led by their Marxist-Leninist Party, the Party of Labor of Albania, played a leading role in exposing the Soviet revisionists. They put forward for all to see that the path the Soviets had taken was against the interests of the people and would cause the Soviet Union to become an aggressive, imperialist power. Reality today proves the Albanians right.

E. Hoxha being welcomed at Moscow airport by Soviet Minister V. Molotov, 1947

After World War II, the Albanians also had relations with Yugoslavia and China. In both of these cases, a similar struggle unfolded. The Yugoslav government and party tried to make Albania an appendage of the Yugoslav economy and to hamper the socialist industrialization of Albania. They tried to isolate Albania and exploit the country through unequal exchanges and hostile interference. And here too, an ideological struggle developed, with the Albanians once again exposing that the policies and stands of the Yugoslavs reflected not socialist ideals, not Marxism-Leninism, but capitalism and service to the rich.

Albania and Yugoslavia were allies in the anti-fascist war before the Titoite deviation into the capitalist camp.

The situation with China developed at a later date. Again there was a fierce ideological struggle, with the Albanian people fighting to defend the interests of the working class and people, and the Chinese taking a stand in support of U.S. imperialism. The Chinese, like the Yugoslavs and Soviets, promoted revisionist lines and policies which harmed the struggles of the people and caused great confusion.

Stamp made to celebrate the warm relations between E. Hoxha's Albania and Ho Chi Minh's North Vietnam

In each case, the revisionists attempted to sabotage the economy of Albania, unilaterally canceling contracts and agreements. They tried to fool the Albanians into accepting their dictate and when this didn’t work they resorted to other means of attack leaving projects unfinished, providing false reports on mineral deposits and so on. In the face of this, the great strength and determination Albania has shown to oppose all forms of revisionist and imperialist attack and to continue on the socialist road is a great inspiration to all people interested in freedom and progress.

With General Secretary of the CP-Peru (M-L) Saturino Paredes Macedo

The struggle waged by the Albanians under the leadership of the PLA, has been discussed and analysed in recent works by Enver Hoxha, First Secretary of the PLA. In these books — The Khrushchevites, The Titoites, Reflections on China (on the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and China respectively), and Imperialism and the Revolution, Hoxha provides great detail and insight, while making important contributions to the understanding and analyses of imperialism and revisionism on a world scale. These books, as well as  the consistent and open policy which Albania pursues today readily show why the imperialists slander Albania. They attack Albania because it refuses to accept revisionism and the path of betrayal of the people, and because it remains independent of the dictate and domination of the imperialists. In fact, it is a great danger to the imperialists and social-imperialists and thus they do everything to silence its voice and confuse people about Albania. But day after day, Albania shows the world that it is the imperialist powers who are becoming more and more isolated, as the peoples increase their struggle against the superpowers and all their local tools of reaction.

The Foreign Policy of Albania: Based on a Marxist-Leninist Analysis of the World

In order to have a consistent internationalist stand which both safeguards the revolution in Albania and supports the struggles of the world’s peoples, the Albanians make a careful objective analysis of the international situation. They explain that imperialism is the source of all aggression and predatory wars, the source of the suffering of the world’s people. U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism are competing and maneuvering to carry out various aggressions and occupy other countries. These two superpowers, along with other imperialist and capitalist powers (European countries, Japan, China, etc.), are trying to outdo each other in gaining economic, political and military superiority and in capturing new strategic positions. This is what leads to dangerous tensions and threatens the peoples with a new world war. The superpowers make secret deals and interfere in and attack various countries and nations in order to gain markets, raw materials and other advantages.

With Gensek of CP France, W.M. Thorez, 1959

The Albanians show that imperialist war, oppression and exploitation have run into great resistance from the working class and peoples of the world. They bring out that the struggles of workers and other oppressed peoples is a cause for great optimism.

While analysing that the imperialist superpowers and their NATO and Warsaw Pact allies are powerful and ferocious, the Albanians also expose that they are in decay, suffering from all round crisis. They explain that for the world’s people to escape once and for all from the suffering they experience under capitalism, under the neo-colonialist yoke of foreign imperialists and domination by local reactionary rulers, there is only one path. This is the path of socialist revolution, to overthrow imperialism and all reactionaries. This struggle is an objective historical process that no force can stop.

Albania Supports The International Working Class and Oppressed Peoples

Albania strengthens its support for the working class world-wide while safeguarding and defending socialism at home. In every available international forum, Albania presents a Marxist-Leninist analysis of the world, which recognizes that the working class in every country is the leading force of the revolution. And as their own experience confirms, the victory of the revolution depends on the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party of the working class on the ability of this party to unite the people in struggle against their enemies and to organize the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. For this reason, the PLA pays great attention to strengthening and increasing its unity with Marxist- Leninist parties worldwide, and on developing the unity and strength of the international communist movement. Its consistent struggle against revisionism has been a very valuable contribution to the growth and development of the revolutionary movement world-wide. The great accomplishments of Albania in socialist construction and its firm stand against imperialism and revisionism has made it the leading ideological and political force in the international Marxist-Leninist movement.

Speaking at a rally of the people, 1967.

Consistent with assisting the unity and struggle of the working class world-wide is Albania’s support for the struggle of all people for democracy, independence and socialism. The Albanians support each step in the struggles for freedom, independence and social progress won by other peoples, such as those of the Iranians in overthrowing the U.S.-backed Shah and the Nicaraguans in overthrowing the U.S.-backed Somoza. These triumphs help them and the other peoples of the world by weakening the common enemy.

With Gensec of Romanian Worker's Party, G.Georgiu Dej, 1956.

In the international arena, the Albanians work to expose the superpowers and their allies and to put forward an internationalist stand in support of the just struggles of the people for national and social liberation. For example, the consistent exposure of the phony character of the disarmament talks by the superpowers is one effort the Albanians have made to prevent the world’s people from being fooled.

E. Hoxha meeting with Kim Il-sung

The fact that Albania vigorously opposes, ideologically and politically, the stands of other countries does not prevent them from having friendly relations. Yugoslavia, for example, has taken hostile actions toward Albania and has attempted to destroy its socialist homeland. Despite the ideological differences with the Yugoslav revisionists, and their continuing plots against Albania, the Albanians aim to carry on normal diplomatic relations with Yugoslavia . At the same time, they have repeatedly warned the Yugoslav government against continuing its brutal, chauvinist policy toward the almost two million Albanians in Kosova and other parts of Yugoslavia. These people were separated from Albania during the imperialist dismemberment of the country before World War II. The Kosovars have demanded their own republic within the Yugoslav Federation, the right to develop their own national art and culture, to become acquainted with their own history and so on. The Kosovars have refused to reconcile themselves to an inferior status among the peoples of Yugoslavia, where their political, economic and national rights have been denied. Albania has never interfered in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia, but it has defended and will continue to defend the rights of the Kosovars in Yugoslavia.

With Stalin, 1947

Albania works not only for good relations with Yugoslavia, but with all the Balkan countries (Greece, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania) and with European states in general. It aims to create a friendly atmosphere and to relax tensions. It seeks to resolve disputes by protracted negotiations rather than by threats and violence. It has called on these countries (as well as those in the rest of the world) not to ally themselves with the superpowers, saying that there is no safety under their aggressive “nuclear umbrellas”. It has also called on its neighbors to refuse to allow superpower military bases on their soil or to permit the superpowers to use their ports for refueling or rest stops.

Albania has formal diplomatic relations with China, but since 1978 when the Chinese social-imperialists lined up against the PLA and the Albanian people, there have been no other contacts. In 1978 the Chinese violated official agreements between the two countries, revealed information harmful to Albania’s security and sabotaged projects underway.

At a meeting of working in a Leningrad factory.

As for the two superpowers, U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, the Albanians consider them the most savage enemies of the freedom and independence of the peoples and of peace and security in the world. They do not and will not have relations with these enemies of the people and will resolutely continue their exposure of these powers’ aggressive and hegemony-seeking policy and activity. Albania also refuses to have diplomatic relations with South Africa and Israel.

The foreign policy of Albania is an open, correct and principled policy, which defends the victories of socialism and supports the progressive struggles of people in the world. Providing a clear example of what is possible when a people rely on their own efforts, and unite under the leadership of a true Marxist-Leninist party, the Albanian people and state have won the respect and sympathy of millions of people all over the world.


In spite of the conspiracy of silence in all the U.S. bourgeois media the achievements of socialist Albania cannot and should not be hidden from democratic and progressive Americans. This pamphlet has been produced to help break this silence and to tell the inspiring story of this small country and its forty years of brilliant achievements since liberation and the triumph of the people’s revolution.

Alternating with the capitalist media’s usual silence have been lies and falsifications about Albania. But progressive organizations world-wide and many eyewitnesses to Albania’s socialist construction insist an spreading the true facts about the new socialist life being developed.

Facts show the Albanians are blazing a historic trail. Socialist Albania, the first country in the world to abolish taxes, the only country without such capitalist evils as inflation and unemployment, is a country that anyone eager to learn how these “miracles” have been accomplished should investigate. Starting as the country which was the most backward in Europe before World War II, Albania has become completely self-sufficient in feeding its people and constantly provides a better material and cultural life for its people.

Albania has accomplished all of this despite constant attacks and pressures by the imperialist powers. In particular, the United States government has been responsible for ongoing attacks against Albania, in collaboration with Britain, Yugoslavia and other European countries. These provocations continue today.

Albania deserves the support of all democratic and progressive people. It provides a shining example of how the working class and people can completely change their lives for the better. Using the experience of centuries of struggle against foreign occupation, the Albanian people rose and developed their Communist Party, the strong leadership capable of meeting the historic challenge before them. This Party, now the Party of Labor of Albania, led the people in defending their rights and waging a war of national and social liberation. Today after forty years of triumphant socialist construction the people, firmly united around the Party, are actively participating in the running and organizing of the state and economy, defending their homeland and joining with the people of the world to fight for peace, democracy and social progress.

Socialist Albania shows the reality that can be achieved when the working class and people take history into their hands and determine their own destiny.

PCMLE: Enver Hoxha – Strong Defender of Marxism-Leninism

From En Marcha, the newspaper of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE).

The constant struggle of Enver Hoxha was his concern for the working class to provide the materials needed to face the reaction and contributed to the elucidation of the true nature of the action that the enemies in Albania. Unified actions of the different sectors, including the woman who played an important role in the revolutionary process, which together with the workers gave their contribution to the conquest of political power of the state, which occurred on 29 November 1944.

Enver Hoxha was born on October 16, 1908, was one of the biggest advocates of Marxism-Leninism. Since his youth he joined the struggle against the occupation of their country.

With the establishment of the Communist Party of Albania, its role was decisive against the organization and the Albanian state. Enver Hoxha was named interim head of the Central Committee.

The constant struggle of Enver Hoxha was his concern for the working class to provide the materials needed to face the reaction and contributed to the elucidation of the true nature of the action that the enemies in Albania. Unified actions of the different sectors, including the woman who played an important role in the revolutionary process, which together with the workers gave their contribution to the conquest of political power of the state, which occurred on 29 November 1944.

After the liberation of Albania, the “allies” Anglo-Americans refused to recognize the new power and supported the reactionary interior. The Constituent Assembly elections gave a large majority of the Communists and patriots. Failing their attempts to overthrow the new regime, the United States and Britain withdrew their delegations from Albania.

During the liberation struggle, E. Hoxha opposed chauvinist positions on Kosovo Albanian reaction and defended the principle of respect for international borders established in 1912. Hoxha’s position was that the Kosovo problem should be discussed and resolved between socialist states after the victory over Nazism. The aim of Titus, in the context of its proposed Balkan Federation, was that Albania was the seventh Yugoslav province. To carry out his plan, he initiated a split in the Albanian Communist Party leadership. After the war, Albania was in a very difficult economic situation and the new power was in consolidation phase.

Such interference in Albanian affairs created an atmosphere of serious suspicions around the country. Within the communist movement, the young Albanian Communist Party dared to face Tito, leader of one of the most prestigious and influential games of the Cominform. This showed great courage and determination of Enver, especially when you consider that the Communist Party of Albania, was the only party in power had not yet been recognized as a member of Cominform, as Tito had a lot to see.

Attempts to overthrow the socialist system continued; raided Albania reactionary groups were eliminated. However, the blockade and the ideological pressure continued. In the sixties, Enver Hoxha, faced Khrushchev’s revisionist line in defense of Marxism-Leninism.

At the Conference of the Communist parties in Moscow in 1961, the Albanian party, with Enver Hoxha at the head, was the only one who openly opposed the CPSU, which will be subject to gibes cost and economic pressures. To cope with crop failures recorded, due to weather reasons, Albania need to import wheat. Khrushchev made known to the Albanians that if his party gave the USSR wheat cover their needs, and pointed with his particular “spirit of internationalism,” these needs “could be covered with wheat that rats were eaten each year in the USSR “. Enver Hoxha replied, “we prefer to eat roots rather than sell our independence and our principles.” The attitude of Enver Hoxha in Moscow Conference was of particular importance, because although he knew the differences between the Chinese party and the CPSU, Mao Zedong did not know whether Chinese PC and disagreed with his radical denunciation of revisionism.

Fought the social-Enver Hoxha, the thought of Mao on the theory of the Three Worlds, and the other revisionists and counter-currents that emerged at that time.

This is shown by his works as Imperialism and Revolution, The Khrushchevites, The Titoites and other writings that have contributed to the development of revolutionary theory and the defense of Marxism-Leninism as a legacy for contemporary revolutionary.

A Brief History

In 1924 the intelligentsia, the bourgeoisie of the South and return migrants from Albania, led the bourgeois democratic revolution to overthrow the government of the big landowners, feudal lords and clergy representatives of the great kept the Ottoman laws and refused to land reform. Enver is part of this movement.

With the triumph of the democratic revolution, Fan Noli was elected head of government, but six months later was dismissed by the reactionary forces: Ahmed Zogu funded abroad (the Anglo-Persian Oil Company and Standard Oil) and the specific support of Yugoslavia and Greece and a mercenary army, seized power and proclaimed himself President of the Republic, and later King of Albania.

In 1939, Italy invaded Albania with the changes in nature struggle, the struggle for social emancipation and against the dictatorship zoguista are combined with the struggle for national liberation and the need to unify the Communists in the construction of a single party .

On May 28, 1944, the National Liberation Army ELNA-was ordered to go on the offensive general for the complete liberation of Albania from German occupation and all reactionary forces. The Germans, on the same day, they released four and a half divisions, 50,000 men, against Division I National Liberation Army emerged victorious after a month of intense fighting which backed the fascist enemy. At that time about half of the Albanian territory was liberated.

In October ELNA already had 70,000 combatants between youth and peasants, 9% of this army was made up women. It was an overwhelming force, so that contributed to the liberation of Yugoslavia.

On November 29, 1944 Albania gets its final release and Enver Hoxha is responsible for leading this country to build socialism.


Vlado Dapčević


In Brussels on the 12th of July, in the 84th year of his life died a Revolutionary, Vladimir – Vlado Dapčević.

Vlado Dapčević was born in 1917 in Montenegro. He was accepted into the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in 1933. Because of distributing propaganda material, joining demonstrations and taking part in clashes with the police, he was arrested several times. Together with a large group of volunteers, he tried to get into Spain to take a part in defending the Spanish Republic, but he was arrested and convicted.

He continued his political work at the University of Belgrade, where he was seriously injured during a clash with fascist youth.

In 1941 Vlado Dapčević took part in the people’s uprising in Montenegro against the fascist occupiers. He took part in all the great battles of the Partisan Army for the liberation of Yugoslavia. During these battles he was wounded several times and was twice expelled from the CPY because of criticism of certain decisions of the Party. By the end of the war he had become a lieutenant colonel.

After the war he worked at the Higher Party School, and then he was appointed Chief of Administration of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) for agitation and propaganda.

In 1948, after the Resolution of the Communist Information Bureau opposing Tito’s revisionism, Vlado Dapčević tried to escape the country, but he was caught and sentenced to 20 years in prison.

From 1948 until 1956 he experienced the worst torture at Goli Otok and other concentration camps of Tito’s Yugoslavia.

In 1958, because of the possibility of a new arrest, he fled the country to Albania, and then to the Soviet Union. Because of opposition to the policy of Khrushchev and the CPSU, it was made impossible for him to work politically. He tried to organize a trip of political emigrants to Cuba, and then to Vietnam, but that was made impossible for him by the authorities. Under threat of arrest, in 1967 he was forced to flee the Soviet Union and to go to Western Europe. In Western Europe, until settling in Belgium, he was arrested a few times.

In Western Europe he was engaged in the work of the Marxist-Leninist parties.

In 1975, Yugoslav police kidnapped Vlado Dapčević.

In Yugoslavia he was sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to 20 years in prison.

In 1989 after release from prison he was expelled from the country.

In 1990 he was permitted to return to Yugoslavia.

From 1992 he was President of Partija Rada.

During that period, Vlado Dapčević directed all his activities to the fight against war, and for peace among the peoples of Yugoslavia, while the struggle against Great-Serb nationalism and Milosevic’s regime was the main aim of his political activity.

He was an example of how one consistent revolutionary can defend the basic principles of proletarian internationalism. In his brave struggle for the rights of the exploited and oppressed, Vlado Dapčević with his life and work wrote some of the best pages of the revolutionary anti-imperialist movement of the world.

Information Department of Partija Rada.


Basics to understanding the nature of the independence of Kosovo

1. – Kosovo is a territory occupied since 1999 by NATO and the United States. It has one million eight hundred thousand inhabitants, mostly Albanians (of Islam). The Serb minority is 100-120000 inhabitants. With subsistence agriculture, its main economic resources are, at present, the European Union subsidies, work related withthe U.S. military base, remittances from migrants and organized crime (weapons, drugs, prostitution, theft luxury car), with organized military criminal gangs across Europe to finance the war against Serbia Kosovo Army (KLA) and the subsistence of their families.

2 .- Kosovo, with key support from the United States and Germany, has unilaterally declared an independent state, but major policy decisions regarding public spending, social programs, monetary and trade agreements will remain in the hands of government forces occupation of NATO and the United States.

3 .- The Prime Minister of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci, former leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) has links with crime syndicates (mainly drug trafficking, weapons and prostitution) Albanians and Europe, in close contact with mafias Albanian, Macedonian and Italian.

4 .- The occupation of Kosovo by NATO responds to U.S. foreign policy objectives. It ensures the militarization of strategic pipeline routes and transport corridors linking Western Europe to the Black Sea. It also protects the multibillion dollar heroin trade that uses Kosovo and Albania as transit points for shipments by sea of Afghan heroin to Western Europe. Kosovo is a U.S. colony in Europe.

5 .- Kosovo hosts a major U.S. military bases, Camp Bondsteel, with more than seven thousand American soldiers. There are indications that it could replace the U.S. airbase at Aviano in Italy.

6 .- The plans to build Camp Bondsteel under a lucrative multi-billion U.S. Defense Department with a subsidiary of Texas-based Halliburton, KBR, Dick Cheney was made ​​when he was president of Halliburton. The construction of Camp Bondsteel began shortly after the 1999 invasion under the Clinton administration. Work was completed during the Bush administration, after Dick Cheney resigned from his post as chairman of Halliburton. As in the past the objectives of U.S. foreign policy overlap and are intertwined with the personal enrichment of officials of the U.S. administration.

Continue reading

The Marxist-Leninist Position on Kosova – A Statement of the NCMLU (Britain)

Kosovar Albanian refugees crossing the border into Albania after being forced to flee their homes by Serb forces, 1999; Tom Stoddart--Hulton Archive/Getty Images

The NCMLU opposed the NATO imperialist aggression against Yugoslavia whilst also supporting the Kosovars. However, in revisionist circles, and also in circles claiming to be opposed to revisionism, this position was declared to be somehow “pro-imperialist”. This false claim was in fact used as a cover for the expulsion from the eGroups-based Marxist-Leninist-list of members from the NCMLU and Alliance (North America).

To arrive at this conclusion, these circles have had to discard the Marxist-Leninist principle regarding the right of nations to self-determination under imperialism.

Belgrade in flames after NATO bombing

The contradiction confronting Marxist-Leninists, which the revisionists ignored, was that while Serbia was fighting a just war against NATO, they were at the same time conducting an unjust, racist war against the people of Kosova. This type of contradiction is nothing new, and Marxist-Leninists must learn to deal with it. For instance, in the early nineties, when imperialism started its aggression against Iraq, while defending Iraq’s stand against imperialism, those who came together to form the present committee pointed out that, though Iraq was opposing imperialism, the regime was also waging an unjust war against the Kurdish people.

The duty of Marxist-Leninists was, in both cases, to oppose imperialist aggression and at the same time to expose the unjust wars against the Kurdish and Kosova peoples respectively.

Video: 100th Anniversary of Enver Hoxha Celebrated in Kosova

PCOF on Kosovo

February 17, the parliament of Kosovo declared independence

The population of Pristina celebrates what it believes to be independence, waving Albanian and North American flags. The Serbian population of Kosovo refuses to separate from Serbia, whose leaders immediately condemned the secession of this province to consider an integral part of Serbia. The tension is growing, threatening the outbreak of a new Balkan war.

The proclamation of Kosovo’s independence, which the Bush years as proclaimed desire is to end in the dissolution of former Yugoslavia.

This course encouraged slowly Western imperialist powers, first the American imperialism, who wanted to get rid of all traces of East bloc and weaken, eliminate the influence of Russia.

Within 17 years, from war to war, “ethnic cleansing” to “humanitarian interference” by intensive bombing (78 day bombing of Serbia) to “surgical strikes” that have caused dozens of “collateral damage”, the imperialist powers redefined the boundaries . Cause exacerbation of existing nonstop nationalist, then pushing the troops of local allies to cut the region to create entirely dependent small states. A democratic solution that respects the rights of nations, nationalities and ethnic minorities have been systematically torpedoed by bombing and nationalist similar treatment.

Continue reading

Badass of the Week: Skanderbeg

"It wasn't me who brought you freedom. I found it here among you."

That old dude carving people in half with a gigantic sword is Skanderbeg. Skanderbeg is the national hero of Albania. He’s a hardcore, skull-crushing Albanian hardass who fought for 20 years on the side of the Ottoman Empire, then got bored of that, flipped his shit, and spent the next 25 years leading an Albanian revolution that kicked the Turks in the balls every time they tried to fuck with him. Now, surviving for 40 years of constant warfare in the 15th century is a big enough deal by itself, but this guy went above and beyond – his biographer credits him with personally killing 3,000 men on the battlefield during his career. That number might be a load of crap (then again, it might not) but the truth is that this dude is such an all-important hero to his people that his medieval battle standard is the present-day Albanian Flag, and all elementary school kids in Albania are required to memorize a song talking about how badass he was. It’s like their pledge of allegiance. Or the lyrics to “Ice Ice Baby”.

But this guy didn’t start his life shirtless with six-pack abs and a two-handed falchion. No, the origin story for the Dragon of Albania is much weirder. Gjergjj Kastrioti was born in 1405, the son of the Prince of a small Albanian district headquartered in the fortress city of Kruje. Gjergjj, whose name is mercifully Anglicized to George (because how in the holy living hell are you supposed to pronounce a man’s name when the last three letters are g, j and j?), grew up in the shadow of the mighty Ottoman Turkish Empire – an ever-expanding Muslim world power that was brutally crushing all before it in a tremendous, unstoppable scimitar-laden stampede of blood, fire, and delicious pastries. By the time Georgejgjj (pronounced “GEORGE-guh-jay-jay”) was eighteen, the armies of the mighty Sultan had crossed the Bosporus, conquered every Byzantine city except for Constantinople, and was already flooding the Christian cities of Eastern Europe with hundreds of thousands of horsemen, infantry, and artillery – all hardened by years of battle and equipped with some of the most advanced and badass weaponry in the world. Stuff like gunpowder cannons and rifles – which nobody else in the world really had at the time, and which just so happened to be pretty fucking useful in medieval combat.

Continue reading

On Milosevic

This article by the Communist League on Slobodan Milošević and what he represented is valuable. It uses the example of the Račak massacre, which has been alleged to be a hoax, but regardless it is an important work for those on the left who consider Milošević some kind of “socialist,” or those who have taken to denial of Serbian war crimes during the Yugoslav Wars in emotional response to imperialist aggression.

 – E.S.

The Uprising Against the Serbian Fascist Regime

Published by
The Communist League


The uprising was welcomed by progressive people throughout the world, as well as by Miloshevich’s antagonists among the imperialist powers.

At the same time, the effects of the uprising should not be exaggerated.




“… a self-proclaimed monarchist, . . . wants a referendum on the return of the house of Karadjordjevich, which ruled Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941 and were kings of Serbia before that”.

(‘Times’, 10 October 2000; p. 1).

Wearing Serbian Nazi-collaborationist “Chetnik” insignia and uniforms, supporters of Milosevic, Radovan Karadžić, Ratko Mladić and even Nazi collaborator Draža Mihailović gather.

A protestor holds a picture of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic as he attends a demonstration in front of Serbian Parliament on May 29, 2011 in Belgrade, called by ultra-nationalists against Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Ratko Mladic ‘s arrest lats May 26. Mladic is claimed to be responsible for atrocities during the Bosnian war, including the Srebrenica massacre in which 8,000 Muslims were killed, and the 44-month siege of the city of Sarajevo, during which 10,000 were killed.


Over recent years,

” . . . as Serbia staggered deeper into its bloodthirsty territorial wars in Croatia and then in Bosnia, Mr. Koshtunitsa did not decry the bloodshed. Instead, he lambasted Miloshevich’s failure to seize yet more territory and then to hold on to it. . .”

He has regularly called for a return to the ‘old’ Yugoslavia before Tito when all the power was in Serbian hands”.

(Marcus Tanner: ‘Nationalism is Alive and well in the Bosom of the New Serbian President’, in: ‘Independent on Sunday’, 8 October 2000, p. 15).

For example, in his inauguration speech as President, Koshtunitsa promised to try to

“… establish full sovereignty over … Kosova, where ethnic Albanians are fiercely against the re-establishment of Belgrade rule “.

(‘Daily Telegraph’, 9 October 2000; p. 1).



However, this campaign suffered a severe setback in April 2000, when British ‘historian’ David Irving lost his libel action against the American author Deborah Lipstadt and Penguin Books, and Judge Charles Gray ruled in the High Court in London

“. . . that Irving had distorted and falsified historical evidence tar ideological reasons, that be was a Holocaust denier, that be was racist and anti-Semitic and was associated with neo-Nazis”

(‘Keesing’s Record of World Affairs’, Volume 46; p. 43,547).

It is, however somewhat horrifying to find ‘LALKAR’, a journal which calls itself ‘Marxist-Leninist’ and is edited by Harpal Brar, who is Chairman of the Stalin Society, attempting to whitewash the Serbian fascists led by the indicted war criminal Slobodan Miloshevich.

A headline in ‘LALKAR’ of September/October 2000 reads:


(‘Lalkar’ , September/October 2000; p. 2)

This ‘admission’ is credited by ‘LALKAR’ to an article in the ‘Guardian’ for 18 August 2000.

But the ‘Guardian’ article concerned does not claim that the allegations of ethnic cleansing by Serbian armed forces were ‘all lies’. It alleges that NATO exaggerated the number of Kosovar civilians massacred:

“The final toll of civilians confirmed massacred by Yugoslav forces is likely to be less than . . . the number claimed by NATO governments during last year’s controversial air strikes on Yugoslavia”

(‘Guardian’, 18 August 2000; p. 3)

But it will surprise nobody that the NATO aggressors should have exaggerated the civilian casualties committed by the Yugoslav forces. Truth is the first casualty of any war of aggression. But it is a gross distortion to say (as ‘LALKAR’ does), that the ‘Guardian’ article states that the allegations were ‘all lies’. In fact, the ‘Guardian’ article goes on to say:

“The new details should not obscure the fact that the major war crime in the tribunal’s indictment of the Yugoslav president Slobodan Miloshevich and tour other serb officials is the ethnic cleansing of Kosova and forced deportation of hundreds of thousands of people…

In three months of digging this summer, the tribunal’s international forensic experts found 680 bodies at 150 sites.- This was in addition to the 2,108 bodies found at 150 sites last year.

Evidence of the forced deportation of hundreds of thousands of people was overwhelming before the tribunal gained access to Kosova”.

(‘Guardian’, 18 August 2000, p. 3).


For example, as early as January 1999

“… the bodies of 45 ethnic Albanian civilians were discovered in the village of Racak, some 30 km. south-west of Prishtina Most had been shot in the head or the neck”.

‘Keesing’s Record of World Events’, Volume 45; p. 42,750).

In March 1999, it was reported that Miloshevich had responded to the NATO bombing campaign by

“… ordering a major offensive in Kosova to drive out the ethnic Albanian population…

Today the region is facing a colossal refugee crisis as an estimated 150,000 ethnic Albanians flee the Serb security forces, heading for neighbouring Macedonia and Albania. Many refugees have been ordered from their towns and villages at gun point. Often, young men have been led away by Serb forces to an uncertain fate, separated from their families, who were driven out on to the roads

(‘Chronicle 99: A Year of News as it Happened’; London; 1999; p. 36-37).

In a statement issued in March 1999, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

“… accused Serb forces of an organised ‘campaign of ethnic cleansing’ in Kosova… The UNHCR claimed that more than 500,000 people had left their homes in the past year. . .

Most of the refugees were women, children and old people. Many of the refugees said that armed Serbs had separated them from the men, whose whereabouts they did not know. The refugees also claimed that the Yugoslav border guards had removed their passports and identity cards in order to hinder their return to Kosova.

By March 31, evidence was emerging that ethnic Albanians wore streaming out of Prishtina by car and train, the first clear sign that the mass exodus from rural areas had spread to the main urban areas where much of the population lived. The UNHOR on March 31 said that 3,000 refugees had arrived from Prishtina by train at the border with Macedonia. They had been forced to board the train at gunpoint”.

‘Keesing’s Record of World Events’, volume 45; p. 42,848).

The statement said that interviews with refugees

“… paint a picture of total lawlessness and almost complete absence of any form of protection for ethnic Albanians in Kosova. It suggested that deliberate, violent ‘ethnic cleansing’ was the most prevalent human rights abuse reported by the refugees. The perpetrators it was claimed, work in large groups of VJ (Yugoslav army), MUF Serbian military police) and/or paramilitary groups. The reports indicate ‘a pattern of intimidation and harassment. combined with assaults, pillage, shelling, killings and executions, after which people flee or are simply told to leave”.

(‘Keesing’s Record of world Events’, volume 45; p. 42,903)

By late March 1999, there were consistent reports

“… by ethnic Albanian refugees arriving in Albania and Macedonia that Serbian forces and paramilitaries lied embarked on a systematic campaign of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in northern and western Kosova”.

(‘Keesing’s Record of world Events’, Volume 45; p. 42,848).

The withdrawal of the Yugoslav forces from Kosova

“… allowed the entry into the province in mid- and late June(1999– Ed.) of forensic experts from the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (the war crimes tribunal) to investigate growing reports of Serb war crimes. By late June there was mounting evidence that the Serb forces had committed large-scale atrocities against ethnic Albanian civilians and, in some instances, had attempted to cover up the evidence.”

‘Keesing’s Record of World Events’, volume 45; p. 43,017).

In November 1999,

“… it was revealed that forensic experts from 14 countries had exhumed 2,018 bodies in Kosova and identified 529 grave sites since the withdrawal of serb forces from the province in June”.

‘Keesing’s Record of world Events’, Volume 45; p. 43,286).

Supporters of the neo-fascist Serbian Radical Party holds posters of Slobodan Milosevic during a protest against the arrest of Mladic in Belgrade May 29, 2011

In March 2000,

“… a non-governmental human rights organisation based in the Yugoslav and Serbian capital Belgrade claimed . . . that as many as 1,400 ethnic Albanians were being held prisoner in Serbia.

The Humanitarian flaw Centre (HLC) estimated that some 2,050 Albanians between the ages of 15 and 73 had been transported from Kosova to Serbia between 1998 and June 1999. It said that around 600 had been freed, but that the rest remained in eight prisons throughout Serbia”. (‘Keesing’s Record of World Events’, Volume 46; p. 43,476)

Also in March 2000,

“… Human Rights Watch (HRW), the New York-based organisation published a report . . . which confirmed that gang-rape of Kosova Albanian women had been used as ‘an instrument of war’ by Serbian forces. ‘The 37-page report documented 96 cases of rape during the 1999 NATO bombing campaign of Serbia and concluded that the rapes were not isolated but organised with many Kosovars being sexually assaulted in front of their families”.

(‘Keesing’s Record at world Events’, Volume 46; pp. 43,476-77).


According to the BBC World Service, since the overthrow of the Miloshevich regime,

“… Yugoslav television has been broadcasting pictures of atrocities committed by Miloshevich ‘s forces in their ethnic cleansing campaign”

(BBC World Service: 8 October 2000).

The “Chetniks,” Nazi collaborationist paramilitary troops who had fought against the partisans in World War II, were revived and became the chief allies and shock troops of the Milosevic movement.

To sum up, as journalist Misha Glenny reports in the ‘Sunday Times’,

“Nobody will ever be sure how many people were killed, how many went missing, how many were tortured, how many were raped, as part of a policy designed to achieve ‘ethnic cleansing’, how many languished in degrading prison camps or how many became refugees in the four wars that tore Yugoslavia apart in the last decade of the 20th century.

In the final analysis, the numbers game does not matter, though 250,000 died in Bosnia alone. The fields of Bosnia, Croatia and Kosova are littered with mass graves; there is hardly a household that is not grieving a loved one today, hardly a person who has not been numbed by the horror.

It is the barbarity of the acts and the criminality with which they were done, and the fact that they were either ordered or condoned by politicians and generals in the Yugoslav army, many of whom have so far escaped prosecution, that is the big issue today”.

(Misha Glenny: ‘Callous Leader Steeped in the Blood of His People’, in: ‘Sunday Times’, 2 October 2000; p. 17).

Serbian nationalist rally

Kosovo: Thousands protest against corruption, demand unification with Albania

Pristina, 22 June (AKI) – Thousands of people protested on Wednesday in the Kosovo capital of Pristina against corruption, demanding the resignation of prime minister Hashim Thaci a ”thief” and demanding his government ‘s resignation.

The protesters, organized by the opposition movement Vetevendosje (Self-Determination), also called for unification of Kosovo with neighboring Albania and demanded interruption of talks between Pristina and Belgrade.

Kosovo’s majority Albanians declared independence from Serbia in February 2008, which Belgrade opposes. But Belgrade and Pristina have agreed to European Union sponsored talks on resolving outstanding problems which would improve lives of ordinary people.

Vetevendosje leader Albin Kurti accused the government of corruption and crime, saying “politicians are the richest people in Kosovo. During the day they work as politicians and at night they are businessmen,” Kurti said.

“They are stealing from the budget by setting up tenders to their friends who later finance their election campaigns,” Kurti said. The protesters carried banners reading “Hasim the Thief” and calling for unification with Albania.

The protest passed without incidents and deputy prime minister Hajredin Kuci said it will be remembered only by insults hurled at the government.

“Kosovo is the poorest country in Europe, with the biggest rate of unemployment, now we are leading in biggest corruption rate as well,” another Vetevendosje leader, Spend Ahmeti, told the crowd.


eader of the opposition party "Self-determination" Albin Kurti leads the protest against alleged government corruption and embezzlement of public funds in the Kosovo capital Pristina Wednesday, June 22, 2011. Opposition leader Albin Kurti told those gathered Wednesday that Prime Minister Hashim Thaci's government is rigging public tenders and selling off public enterprises. The government has denied such accusations in the past. Banner reads: "Against Theft." (AP Photo/Visar Kryeziu)

Thousands in Kosovo protest against corruption and mismanagement

Thousands of ethnic Albanians protested peacefully against alleged government corruption and embezzlement of public funds.

Opposition leader Albin Kurti told those gathered Wednesday that Prime Minister Hashim Thaci’s government is rigging public tenders and selling off public enterprises. The government has denied such accusations in the past.

The protesters chanted “Thieves” and carried banners against the privatization of the country’s Post and Telecom Company, or PTK.

An EU police mission has launched a series of investigations into alleged embezzlement of public funds by senior officials, including the top management of the PTK that plans to sell 75 per cent of it shares by the end of the year.

Kosovo that seceded from Serbia in 2008 is considered on of Europe’s poorest regions.


Partija Rada on Kosova

The escalation of clashes in Kosova is evidence once again that nationalism and the nationalist evil not only bring pain and suffering to other nations, but are also an obstacle for ones own nation to achieve its freedom and prosperity. The Albanian people in Kosova, after the suffering caused by the Belgrade regime, are in a position to liberate themselves from that regime. However, that liberation cannot be achieved by clashes with the Serbian people living in Kosova, but in the first place by attempts to build a free and prosperous Kosova together with the Serbian people.

Belgrade, whoever has been in power, has taken an extremely reactionary and colonial stance toward Kosova, as if this province had to be governed from Belgrade, treating Albanians as a hostile nation whose people are considered second-class citizens. Even after the arrival of NATO forces in Kosova, the regime in Belgrade postponed solving the question of Kosova, and benefited from contradictions between the imperialists, just to get Kosova back under its administration. By using their emissaries in the Kosova Parliament, by the influence of the secret services, by preventing the creation of a united city of Kosovska Mitrovica, and by pleading for the break up of Kosova into cantons, Belgrade, in fact, is trying to prevent Kosova from gaining independence.

The Albanian movement, after rejecting the ideological platform on which it grew up, and after asking for help from the NATO forces, won its “freedom” at a very high price, by exchanging Belgrade’s oppression for Imperialist oppression. The Albanian movement is now at a crossroads, at which progressive forces within the movement must raise their struggle to a higher level, or they will end up like the Serbian nationalists, as chauvinists and Imperialist servants.

The Serbian people in Kosova have been brought into a situation where they are exposed to the hostility of the Albanian people. This is not only a heritage of the historical past, in which Serbian people in Kosova were in the service of the colonial policy of Belgrade toward Kosova, but it is also a consequence of the non-existence of progressive forces among the Serbian people in Kosova who would build up a different relationship toward the Albanian people, and a different attitude toward their role in building a free and democratic Kosova. The Serbian people in Kosova are led by reactionary forces which are continuing the position of Great-Serbian nationalism, and which are in the service of the authorities in Belgrade. The Serbian people in Kosova now have a historical task: to get rid of the colonial policy of Serbia toward Kosova, and to defeat those forces in Kosova which serve the reactionary regimes in Belgrade. For this historical role of the Serbian people in Kosova it is necessary to give full support to the progressive forces in the Albanian movement.

At the present moment, the regime in Belgrade is using the events in Kosova to strengthen its unitary project, to mobilize the people on a united “patriotic” platform, and to please the Imperialists more than ever, acting as their faithful servant.

The USA will not give up its leading role in creating policy in the Balkans. They want, by incorporating Serbia and Montenegro into the service of NATO, to make it impossible to lose control over Belgrade, so that Belgrade would fall under the influence of Russia, or that the European Union would endanger the influence of the USA in the Balkans. At the same time, the USA will try to continue to control the Albanian movement to achieve its broader aims, and it would try to suppress any sign of anti-American militant Islam, or revolutionary internationalism within the movement.

The current clashes in Kosova, beside the damage which they cause to the struggle of the Albanian people, also prove that the regime in Belgrade, after suffering defeat, is again intensifying its aspirations toward Kosova, which is leading to a split within the Albanian movement, and more than ever there are emerging differences between the Albanian movement and the Imperialist forces in Kosova.

Partija rada is of the opinion that Kosova belongs to the peoples who live there. Partija rada is of the opinion that these peoples must achieve their freedom. That means that the struggle against the policy of Belgrade must develop into a fight against the presence of the Imperialists in the Balkans, and against the Albanian capitalists in Kosova. For such a historical role it is necessary that the progressive sector of the Albanian movement build ties with the Serbian people in Kosova. And not only in Kosova, but with all the peoples in the Balkans.

For the defeat of nationalism in Serbia and in Kosova!

For the freedom of the Kosova peoples!

For joint struggle against the Imperialists and their servants in the Balkans!

Resolution of Partija Rada on the National Question in Yugoslavia

Partija Rada (Party of Labour) is a Marxist-Leninist Party in Serbia. The party was founded in March 1992 by Vlado Dapčević, an anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist who was a long-time political prisoner in SFR Yugoslavia. He formed it after splitting from the Communist Party of Yugoslavia over what he saw to be its soft stance against nationalism.

“Of all human feelings, the strongest, toughest, and deepest is national feeling”.

This was Lenin’s thought on the best way to express how great an importance does national feeling play in the lives of all humans. That is why revolutionaries have paid great attention to the national question.

Lenin and Stalin contemplated the national question as a revolutionary question and as an integral part of the socialist revolution. The National Question can be rightly and fully solved, only in Socialism:

According to the principle that each nation has a right on self-determination up to the point of separation and of the creation of a independent state.

According to that, we should not mix up “rights” with “duties”. Revolutionaries of oppressor nations should be, unconditionally, for the separation of the oppressed nation(s), and revolutionaries of the oppressed nation(s) be for for the drawing closer of nations and their unification.

Yugoslavia is a multi-national state. By its’ historical conditions, the peoples of Yugoslavia have got so mixed together, till today there is no one Republic which is really nationally homogenous. They are all, by the composition of their population, multinational.

At First, Yugoslavia was shaken from a genuine socialist basis by the national question because of Great-Serb nationalistic oppression; and then Secondly – by repeated attempts of the restoration of a Great-Serb hegemony.

Twice in fifty years – this came to broad fratricidal wars, which brought into question the ethnic survival of the peoples that participated in them.

Because of the great importance of the national question Yugoslavian revolutionaries pay an especial attention to it. After some wandering at the beginning, Yugoslavian revolutionaries adopted Leninist principles and carry them out consistently in multi-ethnic Yugoslavia. Starting on the basis of the internationalist principle of brotherhood of peoples, during World War Two issues on the national questions were solved as a constituent part of the socialist revolution. By the victory of Socialism in Yugoslavia – the national question was solved on the basis of a full equality of all of the peoples.

But, with Titoistic nationalistic-bourgeois counter revolution, the liquidation of Socialism and its’ replacement with state capitalism, with the rule of a bourgeois Party bureaucracy, nationalism burst out in its’ full sharpest forms. The rebirth of a great-state chauvinism and mutual struggle of national bourgeois around territories brought about a series of fratricidal wars and the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

That process is not finished yet. The national question in the territory of the ex-Yugoslavia is still not solved. It can be solved when Serbian and Croatian great-state chauvinisms, have suffered a full defeat and when all the nations of ex-Yugoslavia would be in a position to achieve their national sovereignty.

By the intervention of USA and Western powers using the force of the NATO alliance, a more important factor intervened. This became a potential to solve some matters, not only on the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina and implementation of Dayton agreement, but also on the question of
Kosovo and Montenegro.

In her approach to national question, Partija rada always starts from an internationalist principle. If we look at the past, we can proudly ascertain that PR literally obeyed those principles. Practice irrefutably proved that her analysis and prognosis was correct, that her principal, patriotic, and internationalists position line – was completely confirmed:

PR was from the very beginning was unconditionally against the criminal conquerors’ war of the Great-Serb nationalists in Slovenia, Croatia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Partija rada was persistently on the side of Slovenian, Croatian, and Bosnian-Moslem peoples in their justified defensive wars.

PR was persistently for a united Bosnia and Herzegovina, and she was against the shameful agreement between Milosevic and Tudjman for dividing-up of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and for the creation of a Greater Serbia and Greater Croatia.
PR sharply condemned the criminal war of Tudjman’s pro-Ustasha army against the Bosnian-Moslems. The Party was, and it would be, for a free and safe return of all Serbs in Croatia, for their equality, national and social rights, and for return of all refugees in Bosnia and Herzegovina and for their citizen and national rights.

Partija rada was always on the side of Albanian people on Kosovo and their righteous struggle against Great-Serb occupation and an imposed Apartheid, for their right to bring decisions about their destiny, their sovereignty, and their state.

The Party supported these forces in Montenegro which leads struggle in
defense of sovereignty and state Montenegro, against aspirations of Great-Serb nationalism. The Party supported the struggle for autonomy of Vojvodina, and mercilessly condemned terror and crimes against Bosnian-Moslems from Sandzak and supported their right for political and cultural autonomy.

But, PR did not, nor it would, supported any single national movement in isolation. She treats national question only wholly. If one part is contradictory to the overall and complete solution of the national question, he must be rejected. This Party does not support national movements which helps any imperialists – either the great ones or the small ones – to achieve their wars of conquest.

That is why PR was, and it is, against pro-Ustasha nationalistic movement of Croats in western Herzegovina, not just because of its’ fascistic-mafia character, but before all, because it is extending the hand of a Great-Croat policy, for the further dividing of Bosnia and Herzegovina and for the creation of a Greater Croatia.

Also, PR was against the Chetnik Great-Serb movement in so called Republic of Srpska, because it was an exponent of Great-Serb nationalism, and because it was for the further dividing of Bosnia and Herzegovina and for Greater Serbia.

Partija rada is also against those national movements whose policy was and is in contradiction with the interests of revolution and socialism.

The main goal of members of our Party, who orginate from the oppressor nations is the resolute struggle against great-state chauvinism of their own nations, and for the unconditional right of oppressed peoples on self-determination.

“Nations which oppress other nations, can’t be free”.

Revolutionaries which belong to oppressed nations must fight consistently and persistently against narrow-mindedness, and for coming closer to and unification with, other nations. Main path of development that is marked by history is:

Firstly, full independence of each nation, and then

Secondly, An economic, cultural, and political drawing close to each other; an assimilation and unification in a broader state entirety.

Because of that PR supports the struggle of all peoples from Yugoslavia first for their independence, and then for the restoration of Yugoslavia.

The crazy chauvinist idea that “we can’t live together, without destroying each other” is false as former events already show. Previous experiences clearly teach us – that the former nations of Yugoslavia can either live together in peace or could destroy each other.

All the reasons that had allowed the creation of the first and second Yugoslavia exist even now, even much more than ever before.

A Third Yugoslavia would be unavoidably created, and for this, Partija rada will fight. That Third Yugoslavia will be better from both previous, since this time it would be created only by the full freely expressed will of all nations, and on the basis of absolute equality.

The path toward creation of that goal is traced. Each idea that captures the masses, whether it was progressive or reactionary, became a material force. The idea of nationalism and chauvinism came into the consciousness of the masses in Serbia and Croatia.

Only by decisive, patient, and constant work for the liquidation of nationalistic consciousness, and its replacement with an internationalist consciousness of brotherhood of all peoples, is it possible to achieve that goal.

After the restoration of Yugoslavia, the next goal of PR would be work and struggle for the drawing closer and unification of Balkan nations, so mixed between each other that the national question of the Balkans – which is a geographical, economic, and cultural entirety – can be solved only by the unification of the Balkan peoples in a single united state entirety.

From: “Program and Statute of Partija rada” pp. 84-90