Category Archives: Brazil

Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR): The bourgeois army must and can be destroyed

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Brazil

Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR)

Among many comrades and also among the people, there is a fear of the bourgeois army. Many people think it is impossible to defeat it, and see the army exactly as the dictatorship wants: as something that is above us.

Comrades, above all, we must correctly understand that it is the bourgeois army. This army (of the bourgeoisie) defends the interests of the capitalists, defends the private property (of the capitalists) and oppresses the people during any revolt. We have nothing to be defended by the army (of the bourgeoisie), although we have always heard it said that the army is the defender of the nation. What we really see is the army defending the interests of the rich parasites against the working people.

The capitalists use the propaganda organs (radio, newspaper, television) and public education (teaching) to make people think that the army defends the interests of the nation and not of the capitalists. They want to convince the people that the army is honest and the defender of the nation, and therefore one must respect it. Otherwise, who would die in the wars of the bourgeoisie? Therefore, from childhood we are taught to respect the army, the property of the rich, the president of the republic and other bourgeois authorities.

The army of the bourgeoisie is really strong at the moment, but this does not mean that it will never be overthrown. To think that way is not to recognize the strength our own class; it is not to understand that our unity is a great power to destroy the repressive force of the bourgeoisie. With our force and organization we can put in the place of the bourgeois army, which is anti-people, anti-nationalist and a lackey of foreign interests, that is, we can put in the place of the traitors, an army formed by the best comrades of the working classes. This will be a really popular army because it will be made up of soldiers of the people, of workers, carpenters, lathe operators, welders, household servants, weavers, students, shoemakers, peasants, shopkeepers, etc. It will be a popular and revolutionary army, because it defends the true interests of the people and fights for a better society, a more perfect and just society, it fights for a socialist society.

The most important for an army to win and rule is to count on the support of the people. Propaganda cannot hide the naked and crude truth about the social inequalities, unemployment, low pay, injustice and all the evils of capitalism. This is the main question: they have arms, money, soldiers, but they do not have the people. And since the army of the bourgeoisie is not armed by the Brazilian people, we must form our own army. In order to destroy their army, which is of the bourgeoisie, we must form our own army, the army of the proletariat.

How do we form our own army? We have seen that when we are weak we must use the every form of struggle to strengthen ourselves. This is just what each comrade needs, to understand how to put these questions into practice. We already have the example of the Russian people, of the Chinese people, the Cuban people and many other peoples who, once they were organized, overthrew the bourgeois armies that oppressed them. Vietnam is the most beautiful example of how an (economically) backward country defeated the French army and is defeating the most powerful army of the capitalist world, the U.S. Armed Forces. And what did the Vietnamese do? They fought, they organized themselves and encouraged others to organize as we are doing; we are forming the Council of Struggle. They went out teaching everyone the truth under a worse and bloodier dictatorship than ours. With great difficulties (in order to learn more), they published clandestine newspapers, explaining, encouraging and teaching the people to organize.

What do we have to do?

To form our army depends solely on our own effort, on the effort of everyone who is already conscious, to organize the masses (the unorganized people), and make conscious those who know almost nothing about the class struggle, our struggle, and to increase the number of people for our organization and thus to go on forming our party. From there we will create our own army, with the people won from all sectors of the population, from the worker comrades who will be the leaders of our struggle, the peasants, students, civil servants, politically good people who exist inside of the enemy’s armed forces, that is, all the exploited social strata of the population who really support our ideas and our methods of struggle. We must make the people conscious and win them over to us; in this way we will have the conditions to create our army.

Well, comrades, there are many forms of struggle, what we need is decisiveness and firmness among the comrades to do and continue doing the work of distributing pamphlets in the factories and districts, to develop the political work with other comrades and participate in the theoretical work that is needed to write for our newspapers. All these forms of struggle have the purpose of making clear and organizing the people for them to take up arms in a conscious manner.

Only in the struggle can we learn to trust in ourselves, in our strength, because we defend the true interests of the people and we fight for justice. This is what gives us certainty in the victory of the workers’ struggle through the revolutionary army of the people, against the mercenary (sold-out) army of the bourgeoisie.

Let us put all our effort into the work of making the people conscious! Into the work of educating the best elements of the working class for the struggle and to bring them into the Council of the Workers’ Struggle. Let us put all our effort into the work to form a Workers’ Party, because the revolutionary army of the people will only obey a single leader, which will be the Workers’ Party.

Only with courage, decisiveness and firmness can one struggle!

Only through struggle can the Communist Party be formed!

Only through struggle can the revolutionary army of the people be built!

Only the revolutionary army of the people can destroy the army of the bourgeoisie, to build a just society without class divisions!

Manoel Lisboa
Brazil, February 2012

* Published for the first time in the journal “Luta Operaria” (“Workers’ Struggle”), Num. 10, August 1973, a month before the brutal murder of Manoel Lisboa, founder of the PCR, by the military dictatorship

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The Great Soviet Encyclopedia on Simón Bolivar

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Bolívar, Simón

Born July 24, 1783, in Caracas, Venezuela; died Dec. 17, 1830, near Santa Marta, Colombia. One of the leaders of the independence struggle of the Spanish colonies in America. Born into a noble Creole family.

Bolívar spent his youth in Europe, in Spain, France, and Italy. Returning to his homeland, he took an active part in the overthrow of Spanish rule in Venezuela (1810) and in its proclamation as a republic (1811). After the latter was smashed by the Spanish, Bolívar settled down in New Granada (now Colombia). In 1813 his troops occupied Caracas; the second Venezuelan republic, headed by Bolívar, was established. However, he was defeated in 1814 and was forced to leave his homeland. A band led by Bolívar once again settled on the shores of Venezuela in 1816. The abolition of slavery (1816) and the decree allocating land to soldiers of the liberation army (1817) helped him obtain the support of the broad masses. In 1819 his troops liberated New Granada, and he was chosen president of the republic of Gran Colombia, which included Venezuela and New Granada. Concluding the rout of the major Spanish forces in Venezuela (1821), Bolivar’s army liberated the province of Quito (present-day Ecuador) in 1822, which was subsequently joined to Gran Colombia. In 1824 he smashed the Spanish forces on the territory of Peru, and in 1825 he became head of the republic of Bolivia—so-named in his honor—which was forming in upper Peru. In the effort to rally and unite the new states of Latin America, Bolívar called a continental congress in Panama (1826). However, he did not succeed in realizing his plans. The separatist actions that began led to the overthrow of Bolivar’s regime in Peru and Bolivia, and they threatened to separate Venezuela and Quito from Colombia. Bolívar retired at the beginning of 1830.

Bolivar’s activity, which aimed at the liquidation of the colonial regime with its characteristic feudal features, objectively furthered the bourgeois development of the countries of South America.

WORKS

Obras completas, vols. 1–2. Havana, 1947.

REFERENCES

Marx, K. “Bolivar-i-Ponte.” In K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 14.
Lavretskii, I. R. Bolivar, 2nd ed. Moscow, 1966. (Bibliography.)

M. S. AL’PEROVICH

The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition (1970-1979). © 2010 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.

The Awakening of the Struggle of the Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean Demands a Revolutionary Leadership

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Statement of the Meeting of Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America and the Caribbean

Latin America is the scene of a new wave of social protest. It is the response that the workers, the youth and the peoples are making to the unfulfilled promises, the anti-popular policies, the rampant corruption in the upper echelons of governments, the handing over of the natural resources to foreign capital, in short, to the old and new economic and political programs that seek to affirm the rule of capital.

The current struggle overcomes the temporary state of decreased level of struggle of the peoples that occurred, particularly in those countries in which the so-called “progressive” governments emerged that generated expectations and hopes that things would change in favor of the workers and peoples, but after a few years we are witnessing processes that show them to be instruments in the service of one or another bourgeois faction and of foreign capital.

Not surprisingly, we find a kind of political agreement among virtually all governments in the region in key aspects of economic and political management as well as on the implementation of tax measures that punish the working classes with direct and indirect taxes, the support of extractive industry as the way to obtain economic resources, the implementation of reforms in various spheres such as labor that aim to legalize mechanisms of capitalist super-exploitation and to affect the right of the workers to free trade union organization.

They also agree on the implementation of measures of social control, through judicial reforms and the adoption and implementation of laws that, in the name of public security, essentially aim at the criminalization of social protest.

Through clearly neoliberal programs in some cases, and through “progressives” social programs that even speak of revolution and socialism in others, the bourgeois factions in power are interested in pursuing a process of capitalist modernization in the region that would allow them to obtain higher levels of accumulation, and to count on better resources to intervene in the world capitalist market. In this process, we note the loss of political space by U.S. imperialism, which has traditionally considered Latin America and the Caribbean as its back yard, and we find the aggressive penetration of Chinese imperialist capital. Thus, in several countries, we are faced with a kind of renegotiation of foreign dependence.

In the midst of a severe economic crisis that shook the global economy, the countries in this region were able to avoid some of its effects due to high prices of raw materials produced here, as well as certain established tax policies that have allowed most of the governments to count on sufficient economic resources to develop a social and material project that, in the minds of broad sectors of the population, have created the fiction that we are indeed living in times of change, putting their spirit of protests and struggle to sleep.

However, this situation is changing. The repressed dissatisfaction and the desire for change in millions of workers, youths, women, peasants, etc. are making themselves felt and breaking out.

The struggle that the Brazilian youths and people have been carrying out these days, which in two weeks brought more than 2 million people into the streets and won victories in several states, shows us this. It is not the 20 cents [the increase in bus fare that sparked the Brazilian protests – translator’s note] that stimulates this whole fight! The people are fed up with corruption, low wages and the handing over of the oil resources to foreign capital; they want hospitals, jobs, schools and decent housing; they reject the policy of privatization; they repudiate the spending of millions of dollars on the World Cup from which small local groups and various foreign monopolies will reap huge profits. The youth took to the streets overcoming repression and the supposedly conciliatory discourse of the government and the warning to be careful because protest can lead to a coup and the right, by means of which the government wanted to prevent the right to protest.

For months, Chilean youth have been carrying on a massive and militant struggle. They are raising concrete demands around educational issues and at the same time they are clashing with the government of Sebastian Piñera. This fight has motivated other social sectors to fight for their own demands, causing a political crisis that forecasts the loss by the forces that are now in the government in the upcoming presidential election.

In Argentina the struggle of the urban and agricultural workers, the youth, the state employees and the unemployed is also gaining strength.

In several countries, such as Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador and Colombia the fights against the extractive policies, particularly against open pit and large-scale mining that cause enormous damage to nature and the peoples of these regions and are a source of millions in profits to foreign capitalist enterprises, are taking shape and gaining strength. They are also demanding better living conditions, access to health care, education, continuation of democratic rights and are condemning the criminalization of social protest.

In Central America, the struggles of the peasants and residents of popular neighborhoods (Honduras), of retirees (Nicaragua), of state employees (Costa Rica), etc. are also taking place.

In the Dominican Republic the struggle of teachers for the implementation of the state budget for education, as well as the popular mobilization against foreign mining companies that are taking the country’s wealth, and against the scandalous corruption at the highest levels of government, stand out.

The teachers, the student youth and the workers of several state companies in Mexico have been at the head of major combat actions against both the current and the former government, pawns of the neoliberal IMF policies.

The political struggle in Venezuela, in which broad contingents of the masses are involved, is shown particularly in the defense of the gains achieved during the government of Hugo Chavez, in the confrontation with the right-wing that is trying to end the process taking place, and in the demand that deeper social and political measures be taken to benefit the workers and people.

The protest actions that are taking place in Latin America, together with those in Europe, in northern Africa and other parts of the world, show us a world in upheaval.

In these circumstances, we Marxist-Leninist communist parties present our policies and energies to build up revolutionary forces. In many of the fights described above we have been present, playing our role; however we are aware that we need to develop our abilities much further in order to lead those fights along the path that leads to the triumph of the revolution and socialism.

As a result of a major offensive promoted by imperialism, by various right-wing sectors, by revisionism and opportunism, the workers and peoples show a strong ideological acceptance that leads them to trust the discourse and social programs that do not go beyond the scope of reformism and bourgeois democracy.

We are working to reverse this situation and to win the masses towards revolutionary politics, to strategic proposals and those that we are putting forward in the present situation. For that purpose we will increase our efforts in propaganda actions and mass work.

We will continue fighting together with our people, contending for political leadership and directing them towards new, higher struggles for their material and political demands, against imperialist interference and in order to play the role of the basic revolutionary force to which history has entrusted them.

We will provide the force to the movement promoting its unity, both in the social and popular movement, as well as at the level of political organizations of the left.

Our commitment to the revolution and socialism raises the need for us to more rapidly achieve the strengthening and development of our party structure. The political circumstances demand from our organizations greater skill in developing policies that will be embraced by the masses, but we also need sufficient force for their materialization. We are working for this, in order to establish our position as revolutionary vanguard.

The workers and the people of the Americas and the world are challenging the rulers, they are seeking change, they are fighting for it; we Marxist-Leninists have the responsibility to fight together with them and lead these changes to fruition, to the triumph of the revolution and socialism.

Quito, July 2013

Revolutionary Communist Party (Brazil)
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Labor – Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Peruvian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela

En Marcha #1620
July 19-25, 2013

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Final Declaration of the 17th International Seminar Problems of the Revolution in Latin America: Our Goal Is Socialism; We Fight For an Authentic Social Revolution!

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En Marcha #1621 
July 26 to August 1, 2013

Modernization of Capitalism or Social Revolution?

After five years since the economic crisis of the capitalist system broke out, its effects are still present in the different countries of the world, with greater or lesser intensity in some than in others.

The most outstanding thing, in recent months, is the response by the workers, youth and peoples to the economic measures implemented by the governments and international financial institutions that had the supposed aim of overcoming it. The bourgeoisie finds it increasingly difficult to place the burden of the crisis on the backs of the workers, because these workers have a better understanding that those who caused the crisis should pay for it.

Europe is a living example of the enormous and sustained social mobilization against the neoliberal economic programs; the working class and youth are playing momentous roles in this. This is not the only place in the world where the governments in office and the ruling classes in power are targets of the protest: northern Africa, Asia and Latin America are also the scenes of important struggles. In general, we can state that dissatisfaction with the status quo is spreading throughout the whole world and the desire for change is encouraging the actions of the peoples.

On our continent, after a period of decline of the social struggle particularly in countries ruled by regimes labeled as “progressive,” we are witnessing a reawakening of the struggle of the working masses that transcends national boundaries and encourages the struggle of the fraternal peoples.

They are fighting for decent wages, for education, for health care, for bread, for democracy, for political rights, in defense of sovereignty, of natural resources, against corruption; in short, they are struggling for life, for freedom!

These contests are taking place both among the peoples of the countries in which the openly neoliberal bourgeoisie still remains in power and as well as in those ruled by so-called “progressive” governments. And in each of these governments, beyond the evident differences that we cannot lose sight of, there are also many aspects that coincide. It is difficult to differentiate, for example, between the Colombian Law of Public Safety and the similar Ecuadorian law or the reforms to the Integral Criminal Code in that country that criminalizes social protest; little or nothing distances the labor reforms of obvious neoliberal content implemented in Mexico from those in Brazil, or the so-called anti-terrorist laws that are being carried out in Argentina, Peru, etc..

Both the “progressive” governments as well as the neoliberal ones are relying on extractive industry (plunder of natural resources) as the road to development, progress and well-being that history teaches us well is the way for the consolidation of foreign dependence, pauperization of the peoples and the irreversible affect on nature.

These governments also agree on promoting legal and institutional reforms in favor of a revitalization of bourgeois institutions necessary for the new processes of capitalist accumulation and also oriented towards social control and the criminalization of popular protest.

From different but not irreconcilable political conceptions, the bourgeois factions heading those governments agree on the processes of modernization of capitalism, with which they aim to create increased levels of accumulation for native oligarchies and improvements in their participation in the global capitalist market.

The changes that are taking place in Latin America and the Caribbean are nothing other than a development of capitalism itself; in some cases they go beyond neoliberalism but in no way a negation of the prevailing system, since they do not affect private ownership of the means of production, they do not affect the rule of the bankers, businesspeople and landowners, they do not harm foreign dependence.

The dangerous thing about this process is that there are governments such as that of Rafael Correa in Ecuador or of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil which promote it in the name of supposedly revolutionary processes, pretending to be anti-imperialist and even socialist. There are also those who act under the signboard of national and popular regimes, such as those of Cristina Fernandez in Argentina or Danilo Medina in the Dominican Republic.

The so-called progressive governments are causing serious damage to the consciousness of the workers, the youth and people. The significant social and material programs and the abundant and efficient government propaganda have created the fiction, internally within the respective countries and on the international level, that in fact they are creating processes of structural change. But the reality is different; their economic and political programs only serve to affirm the ruling class in power and foreign dependence.

The modernization taking place is going hand in hand with foreign capital, whether of the United States, Europe or Asia, which has made Latin America and the Caribbean a scenario of intense inter-imperialist dispute in the economic and political fields. We note the rapid growth of Chinese investment in the region and the loss of positions by U.S. imperialism, which does not make it less dangerous for the peoples.

The organizations participating in the 17th International Seminar Problems of the Revolution in Latin America agree on the need to confront, with the same frankness and energy, the neoliberal governments and the so-called “progressive” governments, because they both represent the economic and political interests of the bourgeoisie and of imperialist finance capital.

We call on the workers, the youth and the peoples in general to close ranks against the ideological and political currents that are supposedly leftist, revolutionary or progressive that manipulate the consciousness and desire for change existing among the peoples and that act against the organized popular movement and against the forces that represent genuine positions of the revolutionary left.

We support the peoples who choose the path of struggle to make their voices heard and win their demands; we encourage the peoples, and particularly the youths, of Turkey, Brazil, Chile and Egypt who, with energy and initiative in the streets, have won significant victories.

We stand with the people of Ecuador who are facing a demagogic government that is resorting to repression and fear to prevent social unrest from taking the form of open and continuous struggle. We reject the prevailing criminalization of social protest, we support Mery Zamora, Clever Jimenez, the Cotopaxi 7, the 12 Central Technical College students and more than 200 social leaders and activists who face criminal proceedings on charges of sabotage and terrorism.

We applaud the Venezuelan people who are fighting to prevent the right wing and imperialism from reversing the political process begun by Hugo Chavez, while we also encourage the demand that radical measures be taken to move the process forward.

Our goal is socialism! We are fighting for a genuine revolutionary process, therefore we base ourselves on the unity of the workers, peasants, youth, women, indigenous peoples in the tradition of liberation of the Latin American peoples. We are directing our energies against foreign domination and against exploitation by the local ruling classes; only by putting an end to their oppression will we win freedom. This is our commitment.

Quito, July 19, 2013

Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Union of Rebellious Youth – Brazil
Movement for the Defense of People’s Rights – Colombia
School of Peace Foundation – Colombia
Popular Democratic Youth – Colombia
Guillermo Marin Trade Union and Class Collective – Colombia
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Broad Front – Dominican Republic
Communist Party of Labor – Dominican Republic
Network of Legal Guarantees – Dominican Republic
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Democratic Popular Movement
Revolutionary Youth of Ecuador
Ecuadorian Confederation of Women for Change
International League of Peoples’ Struggle – Latin America
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Revolutionary Popular Front – Mexico
Peruvian Communist Party Marxist Leninist
Marxist-Leninist Party of Peru
Popular Bloc – Peru
Union of Solidarity Women – Peru
National Committee of Reorientation and Reconstitution of the United Trade Union of Education Workers of Peru
Popular Democratic Front of Peru
Proletarian Party of Peru
National Democratic Front – Philippines
Caribbean and Latin American Coordinator of Puerto Rico
Bolshevik Communist Party of Russia
Bolshevik Communist Party of Ukraine
Communist Organization of Workers – United States
Gayones Movement – Venezuela
Current of Anti-Fascist and Anti-Imperialist Youth – Venezuela
Marxist-Leninist Trade Union Current – Venezuela
Movement of Education for Emancipation – Venezuela
Ana Soto Women’s Movement – Venezuela
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela.

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Statement of Eduardo Artes, First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) on the demonstrations in Brazil

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DISCONTENT IN BRAZIL

Eduardo Artes

First Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action)
PC (AP)

June 21, 2013

General Aspects

The media shows us large demonstrations, bonfires and confrontations in Brazil. These are caused by the popular discontent; rejecting announced increases in public transport fares — the effects of capitalist politics in its neoliberal version.

President Dilma, Lula’s successor, says “the voices of the street and its social rights must be heard”. Certainly, there is a popular groundswell. The masses demand satisfaction, and important sectors have taken to the streets. Now, we need to think about what is happening there, about what capitalism’s salaried analysts are comparing to the so-called “Arab Spring.” A “Spring” that at the end of the day becomes a dark, pro-imperialist Winter.

From the more credible sources, it is clear that reactionary and even openly fascist sectors are making great efforts to derail the popular unrest and its demands, mobilizing under the “flag of Brazil”, singing the Brazilian anthem, shouting “proud to be Brazilian”,” away with the Cuban doctors, “no to corruption and vandalism “,and ” bring back the military. ” Fascist groups have attacked Left and Communist organizations, have beaten many of their members, destroyed their flags and signs. All to the cry of: “Without a party, without a party”.

The PCR, the Bandeira Vermelha Collective, the PCO, PSTV, PC do B, PT and other organizations which have participated in the mass demonstrations, openly confront, and are attacked by, fascist gangs. The latter, relying on the absence of revolutionary politics in the masses, try to channel the demonstrations into supporting an overtly fascist regime.

How is such a situation possible?

First, we need to bear in mind that the Dilma regime, like that of Lula before it, has at best been liberal. It has administered the state to the benefit of capitalism, indeed of neo-liberalism. There has been the development of a certain ‘national bourgeoisie’ with imperialist aspirations, and therefore degrees of contradiction and dispute with U.S. imperialism.

Being complicit with and political supporters of the regime, self-styled left organizations such as the PT and PC do B, have lost their ties with the masses, allowing the ideological and political disorientation of the same, distancing themselves from the goal of achieving a better society, SOCIALISM. This is one of the greatest blows suffered by the popular movement, as it strikes at working class and popular thought, presenting a negative image of the left and of communism, making them “responsible” for the negative social effects of shifting bourgeois administration s, which, incidentally has left room for reactionaries and fascists to be presented as an “alternative” way to overcome the deep existing social contradictions.

Reformist policies and practices, in abandoning the revolutionary and progressive ideology of Communism, are responsible not only in Brazil but throughout the capitalist world, for the disorientation of the masses, and for fascist resurgence, arrogance and impudence. How else can we explain that, with everything the fascist military dictatorship of Pinochet did, today we are governed by its supporters? What will happen in Chile with Bachet in La Moneda, supported by the so-called “left”; with the PS , PPD and PC, administering the capitalist state while the masses are asking for their rights and making their demands?

The Communist Position and a Call

First of all from Chile, from its Communists, which is to say the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) PC (AP), we express our solidarity with the struggle and popular demands of the Brazilian people, with the important efforts of healthy communists forces to place them on a progressive path, to prevent their being exploited by the fascists. Secondly, we make an urgent appeal to those calling themselves communists and progressives in Brazil who are part of the capitalist management of the State, to rectify themselves and to take the independent working class and popular political position demanded by the masses, and to abandon all petty bourgeois illusions about “humanizing” capitalism. Thirdly, and in the case of our country, to learn the lessons of this case, working to strengthen the People’s Revolutionary Democratic alternative, making it visible in the eyes of the majority of the people. To prevent that the opportunism of the PS and PC leadership towards Bachelet’s neoliberal project and its self-styled “new majority” damage the credibility of the revolutionary SOCIALIST road, an opportunism which would cloud popular political understanding and pave the way for a fascist military coup.

INDIGNADOS EN BRASIL

Eduardo Artés

Primer Secretario del Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria)
PC(AP)

21 de junio de 2013

Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR): Nationalization of public transport now! The people in power!

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Hundreds of thousands of Brazilians, mostly young people, are in the streets to demand the reduction of the absurd buses fares and a free pass. Public transport in our country is of poor quality, though it is one of the most expensive in the world. So 37 million Brazilians are forced to walk because they do not have money to pay the fare.

But this does not happen by chance.

Public transport has been privatized. In all major cities a small number of wealthy families are owners of bus companies. The rulers take bribes from these entrepreneurs and, in turn, increase the fares every year, often more than the rate of inflation, leaving the population to the greed of these sharks. This minority, besides realizing super profits from the high fares, receive subsidies from the municipalities and governments. Therefore, the solution is nationalization of public transport.

But the people are also suffering from the dismantling of the Unified Health Care System (SUS), with a mafia of health plans, with teachers receiving low salaries and education being transformed into a commodity.

In the countryside, monopolies steal the land of the indigenous peoples and peasants to export soybeans, while there is a lack of food on the workers’ tables. More than that, our oil is being auctioned to the multinationals in exchange for crumbs.

When the people go into the streets to demand their rights, the governments say there is no money and sends the Shocks Battalions to throw bombs and shoot at the protesters.

However, to meet the interests of FIFA [International Federation of Soccer Association], the federal government has spent billions to build and renovate stadiums. In addition, the Government also uses public money to pay the interest on the debt, enriching speculators, to ensure subsidies to automakers and rescue failed banks, such as the Pan American millionaire Silvio Santos, or the company OGX of the playboy Eike Batista.

For the workers only crumbs are left. Brazil has one of the lowest minimum wages in Latin America, while the capitalist bosses earn fortunes.

The major media of the bourgeoisie, headed by Globo, are also responsible for this situation because they supported the military dictatorship that tortured and killed hundreds of Brazilian revolutionaries and spread corruption throughout Brazil. Globo also supported Collor, the military coup in Honduras, the imperialist wars against Iraq and Afghanistan, it wants Brazil to become the U.S. back yard and defends the repression against the popular movement. Incidentally, alongside FIFA, Rede Globo is the is the one that makes the most from the Confederations Cup and the World Cup. Therefore, it is urgent to democratize the media.

The fact is that the bourgeoisie, the capitalist class, takes possession of all the riches produced by society, while most of the people survive on almost nothing, live in slums or rental housing. When it rains, they lose what little they have, and many lose their lives.

Also because of this failed system, over 200 million workers are unemployed worldwide, of whom 75 million are youths.

The truth is that no one will free the people if they do not fight themselves. To change this situation, the solution is, therefore, to fight and not bow one’s head to the powerful. Without struggle there is no revolution and with no revolution there is no transformation! The PCR is struggling for a popular revolution and socialism!

Enough of the exploitation by the bosses and of abuses against the people!

We demand our rights!

The people are not stupid! Globo must go!

Nationalization of public transport now!

June 2013

Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR)

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Interview with Francisco Caraballo: “Socialism Is the Future of Humanity”

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From January 2004

Translation from A Verdade, Brazil

A Verdade is the exclusive publisher in Brazil of this interview with Francisco Caraballo, leader of the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist) and of the Popular Army of Liberation (EPL). He was condemned by the Colombian courts of ‘justice’ to a sentence of 40 years in prison. For ten years, he has been held in a maximum-security prison guarded by the army, where he is receiving cruel and inhuman treatment, to the point where he is denied access to medical services and to the medication necessity for his illness.

In this interview, Caraballo denounces the Plan Colombia, the interference of the United States in his country and in Latin America in general, he defends the unity of the revolutionary guerrilla forces of Colombia and affirms that the majority of Colombians are not in favour of the violence that the State is carrying out against the people, nor of the subordination to the demands of the IMF.

Francisco Caraballo is an example of ideological steadfastness and of the valour that characterises the Marxist-Leninist communists. The brutal repression that he faces has not undermined his revolutionary morale nor his conviction in the triumph of the social revolution of the proletariat in his country and on a world scale. At the present time, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations is unfolding a worldwide campaign for the freedom of Comrade Francisco Caraballo and of solidarity with the working class and people of Colombia and their heroic struggle.

Luiz Falcão

A Verdade: Why are you in prison?

F.C.: I have been involved in revolutionary activity continuously for 43 years. I participated in the foundation of the Communist Party of Colombia (M-L) and of the Popular Army of Liberation. I have fought consistently for profound transformations in the political and social reality of the country. That is why I took part in various forms of revolutionary activity. As a rebel I have expressed in theory and practice the contradiction with the established social system and the State that defends it. For many years I was subjected to rabid persecution by the State’s repressive apparatus. On several occasions news of my death was published and rewards were offered for capture, dead or alive, in the manner of the Wild West. For 10 years I have been in prison, first in the installations of the Army Artillery School, then in the Military Police Battalion in Bogotá, and finally I was transferred to the Maximum Security Penitentiary in Itagüi-Antioquia. According to the norms of the Penal Code, I have already completed my sentence; however, I have been condemned to 40 years in prison. This shows that the State is violating its own laws and that justice is subordinate to the interests of the struggle between those who defend the status quo and those who seek to change it radically.

A Verdade: Colombia has vast riches, but its people live in misery. What are the causes of the poverty in Colombia?

F.C.: Colombia is inhabited by 44 million people, of whom 67% are less than 30 years old. It has an area of 1,338,000 sq. km. [514,000 sq. mi], with a very varied topography and climate. The agricultural and livestock sectors are the bases of the economy, with coffee as the main export product. It produces a variety of products in all climates and has favorable conditions for raising livestock and fishing, although these have been downplayed in favor of imports. The subsoil contains oil, which makes up 30% of exports, coal, which represents 40% of the reserves of Latin America, natural gas, emeralds, gold, silver, platinum, iron, nickel, uranium and cobalt. Its territory has an important biological heritage. Industry, which contributes 20% of the GNP, produces textiles, food, chemicals and metallurgy among other things.

Despite such a promising reality, while a narrow elite enjoys all the privileges and benefits, the immense majority of Colombians are forced into misery and are marginalized. The oligarchy, tied to big transnational capital, is responsible for the most serious problems of the country, the backwardness and poverty, because those in power have persisted in fulfilling the dictates of the IMF and World Bank, in applying the neo-liberal model and “economic opening” that has reduced agricultural, livestock and industrial production, besides promoting the increased exploitation of labor and the privatization of public enterprises at the cost of the living and working conditions of the workers.

Imperialist domination, the advances in the concentration and centralization of production and capital, the application of neo-liberal policies, the strengthening of the financial sector, have widened the chasm between broad sectors of society and a small group of large capitalists. It is this group which is the most responsible for the backwardness, misery and violence from which the majority of Colombians suffers.

A Verdade: What are the changes that your Party calls for in Colombia?

F.C.: The Communist Party of Colombia Marxist-Leninist proposes, as its strategic objective, the realization of a process of democratic, anti-imperialist revolution oriented towards socialism. Socialist construction is understood as a complex and long task that logically requires fundamental changes in political consciousness, in the correlation of forces confronting each other and in the accumulation of experiences in the various forms of class confrontation. It is necessary to remove the obstacles which are opposed to social progress, to the exercise of a genuine democracy and to the improvement of the conditions of life of the majorities who have been excluded.

On the level of tactics, the Party demands:

To struggle for the defense of national sovereignty, to contribute to the unity of the Latin American peoples and to internationalism among the workers; all this has to be seen as related to the mobilizations against the interference of the United States government in the affairs that are only the concern of our people.

To reject the neo-liberal policies and, of course, to contribute to defending and improving the conditions of life of the workers.

To promote actions for a genuine democracy, the right to life, liberty, dignity and human rights; against State terrorism, paramilitaries and all kinds of repression against the people’s fighters.

To promote unity on different social levels, as an indispensable condition to carry out the great transformations that Colombia needs.

All the political or social actions that the Party promotes are oriented towards creating conditions for the changes that conform to the character of the revolution.

A Verdade: Recently the Uribe government suffered a big defeat in the referendum. Why did the Colombian people say No to Uribe and the policies of the IMF?

F.C.: It is useful to remember that after his victory in the presidential elections of 2002, the big media, the most important economic groups and some political and social sectors spread the idea that Colombians unanimously supported all the policies of President Alvaro Uribe, and he certainly believed that. But the majority of Colombians are not in favor of the violence that the State is increasingly using against the people, nor in supporting further intervention of the Bush government in the internal affairs of Colombia, nor do they agree to be subordinated to the demands of the IMF. The Colombian people reject the policy of hunger and repression of the present government. That explains why, after fourteen months in the government, President Uribe has suffered successive failures, including the rejection of the referendum. It was a matter of the militarization of national life and the policy of “democratic security,” which has given free reign to all forms of arbitrariness. President Uribe showed his bankruptcy on important matters: he failed to organize a pro-Uribe party and did not receive support for his proposal for presidential reelection, by means of which he intended to prolong his term; he has lost his unanimous support in the big media; he failed to revive the idea of a referendum by means of political maneuvers; he did not receive endorsement for the Special Treaty of Protection for Colombian immigrants in the United States. As consequence of all these factors, the dissatisfaction with and criticism of the main policies of the Uribe government has grown, opening enormous possibilities for the people’s struggles, keeping in mind that this year new measures have been announced that will affect large groups of the population.

A Verdade: What is the Plan Colombia? What is the Andean Regional Initiative?

F.C.: Plan Colombia is part of the strategy of the United States to strengthen its domination in the Americas. This imperialist policy has its precedents in the strategy of the cold war and the doctrine of “national security,” which influences determining factors of the reality of Latin America and of Colombia in particular, given its importance from a geopolitical point of view. In December of 1998, President Andres Pastrana presented Plan Colombia under the guise of a “Change to Build Peace,” which tried to disguise its true intentions. Initially the emphasis was put, formally, on the fight against drug trafficking, but a year later its military content was made clear, that it was to justify the restructuring, strengthening and modernization of the military forces. Together with these measures, the presence of military troops has increased, and intelligence and technical personnel as well as elite Pentagon troops are operating on Colombian territory. The United States government has reinforced its “air interdiction” and has installed radar at various sites in the country. After September 11, under the guise of the fight against terrorism declared by Mr. Bush, that activity has noticeably increased.

Besides the military element, which is the primary element in their plans, Plan Colombia has other components: on the economic plane it is connected to the interests of important oil companies in the United States and Great Britain to take over the energy resources of the country; they took part in drawing up the documents of the Plan and made huge investments in the protection of these resources through agreements with the paramilitary groups. On the political level, repressive measures have been put in place aimed at striking against the forces opposed to or fighting against the government. Recently the Congress approved the Anti-Terrorist Law, which will undoubtedly increase the arbitrary measures against the population. Today the balance is negative and these are dangerous tendencies not only for Colombia but for the whole region.

It is clear that the United States and the transnational companies have increased their efforts to control the resources of the Andean region, not only in relation to the exploitation of oil. As an example, consider the plan for an inter-oceanic corridor between Tumaco, Manaos and Belem do Para, the plan for an inter-oceanic canal between Atrato and Truando and the control of the Amazon River. Their primary interest is in the control of the Amazon region, which is vital for the future of humanity; it produces 40% of the world’s oxygen supply, contains the greatest biodiversity on the planet and is also a huge source of fresh water. But above all, one must consider the extraordinary oil reserves in this region. For oil is linked with the wars that the United States is carrying out.

The Andean Regional Initiative is the second phase of Plan Colombia. It was initially presented as a strategy for Colombia, but subsequently it was presented in its true dimensions. This shows to a certain extent the reality and objectives of the United States government. What began under the guise of the fight against drug trafficking has been transformed into a fight against the peoples and against those who are opposed to the intervention and domination of the United States in these countries. President Bus h is taking advantage of any pretext for aggression and war. In relation to the military component of Plan Colombia one must remember that President Uribe, as a faithful agent of the United States government, is justifying and supporting Bush’s policies; thus he has said that Colombia’s problem is a common enemy for the democracies of the continent and that the Colombian violent groups have a destabilizing potential for all the democracies in the region.

For us this is a warning of the Pentagon’s intention to convert the military base at Alcántara, in the North East of Brazil, into a center of military operations at the service of the United States; the stationing of U.S. troops at the military base of Manta in Ecuador; the reinforcement of the land, air, and sea points of control in the region; the intention of the Southern Command to involve the states bordering Colombia in its plan for a counter-insurgency war, violating the national sovereignty and the self-determination of the peoples.

In response to the policies that the United States government is applying in Latin America, in the first place it is necessary to unite the forces and struggles of the Latin-American peoples for sovereignty, genuine democracy and human dignity.

A Verdade: The E.P.L. [People’s Liberation Army], E.L.N. [Army of National Liberation] and the F.A.R.C. [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] are the main guerrilla forces in Colombia. Is it possible to unite these forces around a program?

F.C.: I think that it is not only possible but indispensable, since it is necessary for the progress of the revolutionary movement. Only by means of unity will there be a greater strength in the forces fighting for the revolutionary transformation of the reality of the country towards a better future for the Colombians. I am convinced that all the organizations wish to advance towards greater levels of unity, keeping in mind that we face the same enemies and we have common strategic objectives, basically oriented by the same ideals. But one must recognize that there is a difference between wishes and practice; that is the truth….

A Verdade: How can you fight for freedom as a prisoner condemned to more than forty years in prison?

F.C.: I think it is possible to fight for freedom, to a greater or lesser degree, whatever the difficulties that one faces. The main thing is the will to do it…. The sentence that the Colombian State has imposed on me is an expression of its revenge; for that reason in my case the State has violated its own norms; in my case, it is not a legal but a political situation; the judges have understood it this way and it has been clear from the moment when they refused to subject me to this farce and I have denounce the immorality of the State and the incapacity of the courts to judge my conduct and my revolutionary activity. Understanding this has helped me face the situation and learn to act in accordance with my circumstances. My main interest has been not to remain on the sidelines of political reality or of my activity as a revolutionary. This requires continuous efforts to overcome the many and permanent obstacles. I am clear that the fight for my freedom is linked to the struggle that is being carried out outside of these bars by large numbers of men and women for their real freedom….

A Verdade: In November we will be commemorating 86 years since the Great Russian Socialist Revolution. In your opinion, is socialism the future of humanity?

F.C.: A Verdade has given me the opportunity to refer to two aspects of this question:

1) The disaster that took place in the Soviet Union was a very important historical fact, which some theoreticians and historians have jubilantly proclaimed as the “end of history,” as the final victory of the capitalist system over socialism. In fact, what we have seen is the complete failure of a model of society and State whose decadence was foreseeable, that it has had nothing to do with socialism for a long time. Since before the sixties, when new Marxist-Leninists organizations began to form and the division of the International Communist Movement became evident, the deviations into which the Soviet leaders had fallen were denounced, and the irreversible process of degeneration of the so-called Soviet model, as actually happened, was noted. From the moment when the end of contradictions and of the class struggle was proclaimed; when the “State of the whole people” was established; when the exercise of liberal democracy was affirmed, which drowned genuine democracy with workers’ participation; when a leading clique was installed in State power on the backs of the interests of the people; when impositions and abuses were carried out against the Communist Movement, in contradiction to proletarian internationalism, the road to the decay of the socialist system and the Soviet State was opened. The rest came as a logical consequence and did not take place from one moment to another, but over a prolonged period. The present reality shows the deep crisis of the capitalist system, the aggravation of the economic situation which continues to worsen the situation of the “developing” countries; the deepening of the social problems including more hunger, unemployment, marginalization, etc.; the proliferation of wars and armed conflicts in various regions of the planet.

2) Marxist-Leninist theory, as a scientific theory, continues its relevance, despite those who have tried and are trying to deny it or distort it, which amount to the same thing. I believe without any doubt in Marxism to orient revolutionary actions that transform society; that is to say in Marxism as guide or reference point for our actions, not as a formula or prescription. I am convinced that socialism signals a definite perspective for revolutionary changes in society. Socialism is the future of humanity, without a doubt.

Many thanks.

Francisco Caraballo

(Further information on the revolutionary life and work of Francisco Caraballo may be found in the document ‘I Am a Conscious Rebel, a Revolutionist in Consequence and a Convinced Communist’ in Revolutionary Democracy Volume III, Number 1, April 1997).

Courtesy: ‘A Verdade’, journal of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil published from Recife, Pernambuco, Brazil, February, 2004.

Translated from the original interview in Spanish by George Gruenthal.

Source

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO): On the International Situation

The most significant development in the world capitalist economy, since the last meeting of our Conference is undoubtedly the intensification of the symptoms that prove the trend toward a new recession in all fields, after a certain rise in the second quarter of 2009, followed by a period of stagnation. Despite the trend towards a rise in the second quarter, world industrial production shrank 6.6% in 2009 and rose 10% in 2010. The industrial production of June 2010 exceeded its previous level before the crisis of 2008. But starting from the first quarter of 2011, the growth lost momentum and fell to 0.4% in the last quarter of that year. In 2011, world industrial production declined by half (5.4%) compared to the previous year. In the first quarter of 2012, after a weak rise, the growth declined. The growth was 1.8% in the first quarter, 0% in the second and 4% in the last quarter of 20l2. All the data show that, despite fluctuations, a decline persists that began in the first quarter of 2011, which led to zero level in the middle of this year [2012] and is heading for a new period of decline.

Industrial production in the European Union, which is a larger economic power than the U.S.; in Japan, which is third largest world economic power; in India, one of the largest economies in Asia, have had consecutive declines in the third quarter of 2011 and in the first two quarters of 2012 compared to the same period last year. Industrial production in Brazil, the largest economy in Latin America, has also entered into decline in the last two quarters. North African countries like Tunisia and Egypt, and other countries such as Argentina, Colombia and Peru, are in similar situations.

The rate of growth of industrial production in China, in the first and second quarters of 2012, was 11.6% and 9.5%, while it was 14.4% in 2010 and 13.8% in 2011. The downward trend continued in July, 9.2% and in August, 8.9%. China, which grew by 12.9% and 12.3% in the crisis years (2008 and 2009), was, along with India, one of the factors that prevented a further sharpening of the crisis and that allowed the world economy to enter into a new period of growth. The situation in that country has changed considerably. Now it is a country that is accumulating stockpiles in the steel industry, which is facing a slowdown in the construction sector, which has important holes in the financial sector. Those countries that saw lower growth rates despite the stimulus measures to revive the domestic market, are now unable to play the same role as before. The industrial production of Mexico and the Confederation of Independent States (CIS), including Russia, continues to grow. However, while the industrial production in the major countries and the volume of international trade are falling, for these countries also, a decrease is expected.

Unlike simple commodity production, a more rapid growth in the production of the means of production, compared to consumer goods, is a condition for expanded reproduction. But with the capitalist mode of production producing for an unknown market, with the sole purpose of obtaining profits, a consistent development of the two sectors is impossible and this is one of the factors that makes crises inevitable. In the last three years, as well as before, these two sectors have not developed consistently. In the first sector, demand has fallen, the volume of growth has fallen, stockpiles are accumulating and capacity utilization has fallen. In 2010 and 2011 the steel industry, an important component of the production of means of production, grew faster than the consumer goods sector. According to data from the World Steel Union, the growth rate in production was 15% in 2010 compared to the previous year, but in 2011 the figure fell to 6.2%. In January raw steel production saw a sharp drop to 8%, and it has stayed at 0.8% in the period from January to May of 2012. In August of 2012 raw steel production fell 1% in relation to 2011. In the same period, raw steel production rose 3.3% in Japan (a significant increase if one takes into account the major fall due to the tsunami) and 2.6% in India. It has fallen by 1.7% in China, 3.8% in the U.S., 4.4% in the EU, 7.1% in Germany, 15.5% in Italy and 3.8% in the Confederation of Independent States (CIS). The iron stockpiles in Chinese ports reached 98.15 million tons (an increase of 2.9%) belonging to the steel complexes. And stockpiles of Chinese coal are at their highest level in the last three years.

In manufacturing, a very important element of the production of the means of production, production and demand have declined in many countries. This decline has been one of the reasons for the cooling of industrial production in Germany, for example. In the capitalist mode of production, the agricultural sector, by its level of development and its technical basis, is always behind industry. Agricultural production is largely affected by the natural conditions, climate changes, droughts, storms and other natural catastrophes. Agricultural production is increasingly under the control of the monopolies and the speculative maneuvers of finance capital. In 2010 world agricultural production, including the production of cereals, has shrunk due to various factors such as bad weather or the expansion of plots reserved for bio-fuel production. On the other hand, in 2011, agricultural production has progressed thanks to better weather conditions, and also to increased demand and higher prices due to speculation. For example, wheat production increased by about 6%.

In 2009 the volume of world trade has declined 12.7%. According to data from the World Trade Organization (WTO), that volume registered a growth of 13.8% in 2010, and only 5% in 2011 (according to figures from the CPL, the growth was 15.2% in 2010, and 5.8% in 2011). The volume of world trade has grown by 0.5% in the final quarter of last year, and by 0.9% and 0.5% in the first and second quarter of 2012 respectively. During the first two months of the third quarter (June and July), the volume of world trade recorded a negative growth of -1.5% and -0.2% compared to the previous months.

World industrial production reached and surpassed the pre-crisis level of 2008, in June 2010, while the volume of international trade did not surpass this until November 2011. If we compare the data of July 2012 with the level reached before the crisis of 2008 (that is, April 2008), we see an increase of 9.5% in world industrial production and an increase of 5% in the total volume of growth in world trade.

The data on the increase of the volume of world trade is one of the most important that shows an evolutionary trend, although it does not exactly reflect the volume of growth of world trade. These data show that for the last three years, the world capitalist production has increased rapidly and that the capitalist world is once again facing the problem of overproduction, which is the source of all its crises. Decreased production, closing or reduction in work capacity of enterprises, rising unemployment and poverty; needs in abundance and the restriction of markets are the inevitable consequences of overproduction. The sharp slowdown in world industrial production has been shown above. The events in North Africa and the austerity measures taken in countries like Greece, Spain, Italy, Portugal, etc., are factors that are aggravating this process and its consequences.

Towards a New Financial Crisis

The crisis of 2008 broke out as a financial crisis, at the same time as the crisis deepened in other sectors, such as industry and trade, it developed with contacts in the finance sector with serious consequences for the following period. The most destructive consequences for the monopolies and the eventual collapse of the financial sector were avoided by transferring of billions of dollars into the coffers of the monopolies by the capitalist States. This rescue operation was only possible by accepting a debt to financial markets with very high interest rates, and the issuance of money into the markets. The end result is an extreme State debt, an increase in the debt and interest burden, a rise in the price of gold and the loss of value (devaluation) of almost all currencies.

Countries at different levels have entered a vicious circle that has elements of new currency and financial crises, in which they can finance their budget deficit, their debts and interests, having to borrow again. The capitalist world began a period of growth starting in the second quarter of 2009, with the weight inherited from the 2008 crisis. However, this period of growth has enabled recipient countries to breathe a little, turn the wheel that was on the verge of suffocating them. The growth of the world economy stopped and even lowered the price of gold for a moment. In some countries, such as China that had a significant growth rate, the ratio of the public debt to GDP decreased. But in other countries, such as Japan and the U.S., a substantial debt has continued, even during the period of growth of the capitalist world economy. The U.S. public debt represents the sum of $16 billion (the debt of Germany, which grew until the second half of this year, is 8 billion). Other capitalist countries are in a similar situation. The increasing debt is almost the condition of financial sustainability and economic growth. And this is the path that is leading directly to a new financial crisis that may profoundly affect all sectors of the economy.

The highly indebted countries have not been able to achieve a period of growth after the financial crisis and the fall in world industrial production that took place between the second quarter of 2008 and the second quarter of 2009; this period has led to a financial crisis that has affected the other sectors of the economy that has led them to bankruptcy. The first example of this process was in Greece, where the weakness was such that the industry, very weak, was largely liquidated when it joined the EU. After the 2008 crisis, in 2009, the economy of this country did not grow, and by the end of the year it was on the verge of bankruptcy. This country, followed by others such as Portugal, Spain, Hungary, etc., has not been able to get out of the crisis and stagnation. However, important differences should be noted in its debt in relation to the GDP.

Austerity measures never seen before, except in times of war or crisis as deep as 1929, have been imposed on the indebted countries. The result of these measures has been to impoverish the people, destroy the economy and reduce the internal market and foreign trade. These austerity plans have been applied (despite the opposition and struggle of the working class and peoples) under the control of the creditor imperialist powers, the international institutions such as the IMF, World Bank and European Union, and above all with the support of the collaborator monopoly bourgeoisie and its representatives, these enemies of the people. They have transferred billions of dollars to foreign banks, completely betraying the national interests. The national pride of the people, their right to sovereignty and independence have been trampled upon. A country like Britain that had a strong financial sector, but since mid-2011 has seen its industrial production and its economy reduced, has been forced to march along with the countries implementing austerity measures.

The significant decrease in the volume of growth of world industrial production, which began in the second quarter of 2011, is developing the elements of a new international financial crisis and is contributing to the degradation of the situation of the highly indebted countries. They failed to enter a period of growth parallel to the process of growth of the world capitalist economy following the crisis of 2008-2009. While the debate over the future of the Euro and the European Union is sharpening, the communiqués on the economic trends of the advanced capitalist countries and the indebted countries have sown confusion in the stock markets, barometers of the capitalist economy. Although world industrial and agricultural production and the volume of international -trade have exceeded the highest level before the crisis of 2008, the indices of the most influential stock markets remain below that level.

Although we are not yet experiencing the outbreak of a financial crisis of major proportions, everything makes it appear that the process is advancing towards such an eventuality. The U.S. Federal Reserve Bank (FED) has announced that it will not raise interest rates and that it will start a process of purchasing bonds for an amount of $2,000 billion dollars, at the rate of $40 billion per month. Japan has announced a similar measure and has begun a program of buying bonds to the tune of $695 billion.

Germany has had to relax its rigid policy towards the indebted countries and the European fund for the intervention in countries facing difficulties has increased. China, along with measures of revival that it has already applied, announced a new investment package to renovate its infrastructure. The price of gold is rising again. In 2008, the intense intervention of the capitalist States began after the outbreak of the crisis. Now, however, the capitalist States have gone into action before the shocks and bankruptcies at the same level as in 2008 start in the major capitalist countries and worldwide. However, these interventions, which can have some influence on the process of development, cannot change the orientation and the inevitable outcome.

The Sharpening of the Inter-Imperialist Contradictions and the Growing Danger of Conflicts

Uneven, unbalanced development is the absolute law of capitalist development. This process after the crisis of 2008 was not balanced, it deepened the antagonistic contradictions in the evolution and development of the relations between sectors, countries, regions, production and markets, etc. The industrial production of the advanced capitalist countries, including the U.S. and Japan, except Germany (ignoring the high level of 2008), did not reach the level of 2005. Germany, which has exceeded the pre-crisis level and has had a growth in industrial production of 11.5% in 2010 and 9% in 2011, has consolidated its position within the European Union and the Euro zone. Without separating itself from the bloc led by the United States, it has penetrated into new markets, new fields of investment, sources of raw materials, basing itself on its economic and financial strength, and above all, on its technical superiority in the industry of machine construction.

As in previous years, China, both because of its industrial production and its economy in general, was the country that had the most significant growth among major economies. It has modernized and increased the technical basis of its industry, and it continues to reduce the difference in its level of development with the other imperialist powers. Russia is going through a similar process. For the United States and its allies, these two countries, one considered as a vast market and production area with a trained and cheap work force, and the other a solid country, appear today as their main rivals to fight against.

The inevitable result of the change in the balance of power is the great demand for a piece of the pie by the emerging forces, using all means to get it and a new redivision of the world according the new balance of power. The recent development of the world economy is another factor that exacerbates the contradictions and the struggles among the major imperialist powers. Last year in the Middle East, in Africa and the whole world, the rivalry and struggle to expand their sphere of influence has accelerated. The production of weapons, the arms race is intensifying. China and Russia have renewed the technical basis of their arms industry. According to a report by the Congress of the United States, arms sales by these countries have tripled in 2011.

China, which increasingly needs more raw materials, energy and fields of investment for its growing economy, and Russia, which is slowly recovering, are intensifying their expansionist desires and their efforts to get their piece of the pie. Therefore, it is a top priority for the U.S. and its allies to prevent China, a young imperialist power in full development, and Russia, from achieving new markets in the field of energy and raw materials. When the Obama administration states that beginning next year the priority strategic objective for the United States will be Asia, and that the deployment of the U.S. military will be renewed according to the new situation, this is merely affirming that reality. The crisis of the archipelagos shows the level of tension between Japan and China; Japan has declared its intention to improve its military capability. The military maneuvers in the region have intensified.

The consequences of the change in the balance of power in the world have been clearly visible since last year. Russia and China were forced to accept Western imperialist intervention in Libya, even though that intervention was contrary to their interests. The intervention ended with the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime, the near collapse of the country, the destruction of its economy, the degradation of working and living conditions, the transfer of the country’s wealth into the hands of the Western imperialist States, etc. Russia and China lost a good part of their positions, including their oil agreements. After the fall of the Gaddafi regime, Mali has been dragged into war and divided. But the main objective is Syria. The attempts by the Western imperialist powers to topple the Syrian regime and put in a puppet government to fully control the country are intensifying. The United States and its allies have mobilized all their forces within Syria and outside of it in Turkey, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. They are stirring up the religious contradictions, they use and manipulate the popular discontent towards the regime and they try to prepare the ground for a military intervention as in Libya. Meanwhile Russia is arming Syria, strengthening its military base located in that country and sending more warships to the Mediterranean.

To bring down the Syrian regime, put in place a puppet government, dominate the oil-rich Middle East, control the eastern Mediterranean, block the expansion of China and Russia in the region and expel them as they did in Libya, to encircle Iran, weaken its influence and liquidate its closest allies, are very important objectives. Syria is the only country in the Middle East and the eastern Mediterranean where Russia has a military base. This small country has become a place of intense struggle between Russia and China on the one hand, and the United States and its allies on the other. The Middle East is a powder keg on the verge of religious conflicts.

Contrary to what they did in Libya, Russia and China are opposing a military intervention that would alter the balance in the Middle East and result in the domination of the United States and its allies over Syria. But they have left the door open for a possible compromise that would guarantee their interests and renew the Syrian regime which is having more and more difficulties to survive.

As the case of Afghanistan, former Yugoslavia, Iraq, Ivory Coast and Libya show, the imperialist interventions that have had the support of the liberal “defenders” of freedom and democracy, of the pseudo-socialist parties that emerged from the former revisionist parties, have resulted in increased military budgets at the expense of the workers, in the destruction of the productive forces of those countries, in many disasters, the impoverishment and decline in all social aspects. The aspiration of the peoples for the right to sovereignty and national independence, democracy and freedom has never been the concern of the occupiers. Their objective was to further prolong their system maintained by the defeat inflicted on the working class in the middle of the last century, a defeat that guaranteed their super-profits, the expansion of their spheres of influence and the weakening of their rivals. The imperialist powers, which are using all means to achieve this goal, do not lack in demagoguery and low maneuvers to disorient the people’s anger.

Now a period of sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions is beginning, which economic-financial and political-military interventions will multiply. It is increasingly important to fight against such intervention, to develop the united fight of the workers and peoples, in both the advanced and backward countries,.

Organize the Resistance of the Workers in the New Stormy Period

The army of unemployed is growing on the world level, especially in countries in total-debt crisis, in the countries in which the economy is declining, stagnating or is in crisis. In Greece and Spain, unemployment has reached 25%. In these countries, unemployment among the youths, including college graduates, reached 50%. In the Euro zone in the second quarter of 2012, the level of unemployment reached 11.2%, according to official figures. In countries such as Egypt and Tunisia, where manufacturing has fallen from 9.6% to 7.5% in the first quarter of this year (2012), the number of unemployed continues to grow. In South Africa, the most developed country on the continent, the unemployment rate exceeds 25%.

In the current period, in almost all fields, from education to health care, drastic measures have been taken, the retirement age has been delayed and pensions have fallen. The gains of the working class worldwide are targeted for cuts or elimination. While direct taxes on the workers are increasing, no measures are taken to disturb the local and international monopolies, when even within the framework of this system one could increase taxes on the banks and the local and foreign monopolies. Wages continue to fall, etc. Many countries are suffering from a process of absolute impoverishment.

In recent years practices have been imposed worldwide such as sub-contracting labor, precarious and part-time work, an increase in the age for retirement, etc. In Germany, for example, one of the most developed countries in the world that has had significant growth rates in industrial production, according to the Federal Administration of Statistics, 15.6% of the population lives below the poverty line, a figure that rises to 26% among the immigrant population.

Last year, on a world scale and in each country, the workers and peoples movement has developed with various demands, in different forms and also at different levels. The struggles carried out in those countries with a “debt crisis” have been outstanding for their broad social base, for their responses and the experiences gained. The miners’ strike in South Africa, the youth movement and the strikes in Chile, the popular movements in Tunisia and Egypt, etc. are powerful examples of the workers and peoples struggles.

Starting with Greece, Spain and Italy, in various countries with a “debt crisis,” strikes, general strikes and huge demonstrations have taken place. In Greece and Spain, hundreds of thousands of people have expressed their anger in front of the parliaments on the days when these were voting for austerity measures. But the workers and peoples movement, despite some more advanced attempts, has remained within the framework of peaceful demonstrations, general strikes of one or two days and limited resistance. The strikes of long duration, the resistance or occupation of factories, have been limited to one enterprise or one sector.

The austerity measures have affected not only the proletariat and semi-proletarian masses of the cities and countryside; they have also affected the petty bourgeoisie and non-monopoly bourgeois strata. Even the less dynamic strata, the traditional base of the bourgeois parties, have been mobilized given the current situation. The social base of the struggle against the bourgeoisie in Power and against imperialism has expanded, to the point where in some dependent countries the mobilization has taken the character of a movement of the whole nation, except for a handful of monopolists. The conditions are maturing for the working class and its revolutionary parties, as representatives and the vanguard of the nation, to decide to organize and advance the movement and the united front of the people.

But despite the great movement, the groups of international finance capital and the local monopoly bourgeoisies have not given in (except in the recent delay of the austerity measures in Portugal). They have decided to implement these measures even at the cost of demeaning the image of the parliaments and weakening their social base. However, the masses are realizing through their own experience the impossibility of repelling the attacks with one or two day strikes or through peaceful demonstrations. Sharper forms of struggle and unlimited general strike are beginning to be considered by the more advanced strata.

It is clear that the bourgeoisie in Power, with their hostile character towards the people, is assuming a position of national betrayal. The traditional parties of the bourgeoisie and parliaments have lost credibility and the mass support for those parties is weakening (especially toward those in government that are implementing austerity measures). The social basis of monopoly capital is weakening. Among the masses who have felt their national pride hurt by the imperialists, the discontent, anger and will to struggle against the major imperialist powers, beginning with the United States and Germany, against institutions like the IMF or the EU, and against the local monopoly bourgeoisie that is collaborating with them, is developing.

The trade union bureaucracy and reformist parties and social trends are following a backward line of “least resistance,” not only in their forms of organization and struggle, but also at the level of political demands and platform. Clearly, this attitude is contributing to weakening their influence among the workers. The attacks and harshness of the social conditions are also affecting the lower strata of the labor bureaucracy and aristocracy and are sharpening the contradictions within their ranks.

The struggles in the countries with “debt crisis” are being developed on a program of protest against the bourgeois governments and parties, against institutions such as the IMF and the EU that are imposing draconian measures and they are demanding their withdrawal. At first this was natural and understandable in the context of a spontaneous movement. But the inability to go beyond those narrow limits is one of the major weaknesses of the movement. This weakness can be overcome with the work of agitation that shows the masses the way out of this difficult situation in which the people and the country find themselves, denouncing the social forces that are an obstacle to that way out. This work of agitation is reinforced by putting forward appropriate demands, slogans and forms of struggle among the masses.

Especially in Greece, certain small groups (that also have weaknesses) have proposed relatively advanced demands and platforms. But the forces capable of influencing the movement are not even concerned with organizing the work necessary to promote the fight on all fronts. The absence or great weakness of a revolutionary class party, has been felt strongly, as it cannot influence the movement.

Linked to the evolution of the world economy, the period that is beginning will be one of further degradation of the living and working conditions for the workers and peoples, a period of intense economic and political attacks, of discontent, anger and militancy among workers, as well as sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions and conflicts. We must draw lessons and conclusions from the recent developments and the historical experience of the working class and peoples; we must advance, renewing our work and reorganizing our parties.

Tunisia, November 2012

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International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations: Resolution on the West African Region and Mali

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Since 2010, the West African region and particularly the sub-Saharan zone has been marked by the armed interference and intervention of the imperialist powers. The objectives of those actions are:

* Political, geostrategic and military, related to the struggle for the redivision of the world and of the African continent.

* Economic (access to the petroleum of the Gulf of Guinea and the Ivory Coast; to the uranium of Niger and the precious metals that abound in the region; to solar energy; cacao, coffee, etc.

* The struggle of the Anglo-Saxon (U.S. and Great Britain) and French imperialists to prevent the penetration into the region by new actors such as China, India, Brazil, etc.

* The will of the imperialist powers to crush any type of protest by the popular masses, who are condemned to misery and lacking in political freedom, as well as the repression that they suffer carried out by the corrupt puppet powers, and their desire to crush any revolutionary insurrectionary movement.

The military-political crisis after the military coup d’état of the National Committee for the Defense and Restoration of the State (CNRDE) of March 22, 2012, as well as the military occupation of the North of Mali, begun January 22, 2012, which covers two thirds of the national territory, an occupation carried out by the National Movement for the Liberation of AZAWAD (MNLA) and the “jihadists” (AQMI, ANSAR, DINE, MUJAO, BOKO, HARAM…) must be put in this context

The military-political crisis in Mali has grave consequences for the neighboring countries, particularly Algeria, Niger, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Mauritania, etc. and the group of the countries of the west African region (destabilization of States, proliferation of arms, massive displacement of populations towards the South of Mali, and thousands of refugees in other neighboring countries).

The military-political crisis in Mali is also a threat to the interests of imperialism, particularly French imperialism, in that country and the whole region. That is why there are preparatory maneuvers for an open military intervention that the troops provided by the members countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) can carry out, with the consent and logistical support of the great imperialist powers (France and U.S.A.) and of the UN under the pretext of “making a secure transition,” of “restoring constitutional life” and of “restoring Mali’s territorial integrity.” This is a reactionary plan by the imperialist powers and their allies in the region to maintain and reinforce their domination.

Faced with this serious situation, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO):

* Denounces and condemns the puppet powers that have opened their territories (particularly in Mali, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Niger, Mauritania and Senegal) to the troops of imperialist aggression.

* Denounces and condemns the proclamation of independence of the State of AZAWAD by the MNLA, instrument of French imperialism.

* Denounces and condemns the crimes perpetrated against the peoples of the North of Mali by terrorist group AQMI and the Islamist groups ANSAR-DINE, MUJAO and the MNLA.

* Supports the brave resistance of the peoples, particularly of the youth, against oppression and medieval and obscurantist practices.

* Denounces and condemns the reactionary plan of the ECOWAS in Mali.

* Calls on the proletariat and peoples of the imperialist countries, particularly France, to support the Malian people in their struggle for a revolutionary solution of the military-political crisis.

* Calls for solidarity and support for the struggle of the peoples of the West African region against imperialist domination and their African lackeys.

Tunisia, November of 2012.

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With the Workers and the Peoples in the Independent Struggle for the Revolution and Socialism

16th Seminar on the International Problems of the Revolution in Latin America

Final Statement

In Latin America the new millennium arrived with the struggle of the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples against the structural adjustment policies implemented by governments at the service of powerful local oligarchic groups and imperialist finance capital. The increasing social discontent, manifested in street mobilisations, partial and general strikes and even popular uprisings that put an end to reactionary and pro-imperialist governments, split the bourgeois institutions and accelerated the wearing out of the current model of capitalist accumulation, monitored by the centres of imperialist domination.

The fear grew among the socio-economic elites that the yearning for change and the desire to be protagonists of deep transformations was taking shape among the people. The progressive and left-wing political programmes, once seen as being obsolete and inapplicable, were embraced by the working and popular classes.

While in various countries of Latin America there are still openly right-wing governments explicitly sold out to imperialism, in others countries so-called alternative and progressive governments have emerged; in some of these, on certain occasions there have been actions of resistance towards policies of imperialism, which deserve the support of the peoples.

Recurring to their own political experience, bourgeois factions of various countries have manoeuvred to take advantage of the discontent of the masses for their own interests. They appear to make their own the programmes and proposals raised for years by the popular movement and the left-wing organisations against neo-liberalism and to achieve a sovereign development, under conditions of social fairness.

Nevertheless, the expectations and enthusiasm of the masses with those governments that promised to leave behind the past of disgrace and backwardness clash with reality when these governments carry out their real political programme and give away the natural wealth, at present mainly mines, to the foreign companies; when the foreign debt persists, although the capital comes from other imperialist centres; when popular protest is criminalised; when free trade negotiations and agreements are going ahead under different names; or, when governmental propaganda says more of what in reality is being carried out in the social sphere.

Even though discontent is arising among the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples, it is a fact that, so far, these governments have had, to a certain degree, the capacity to neutralise and contain the social mobilisation. Without a doubt, that is a fruit of the ability of ideological-political manipulation by the bourgeois factions that, with the support of imperialism, are in the government; it is due to the carrying out of social welfare and patronage policies, to the presence of authoritarian leaders as heads of government who make wide use of demagogy and populist policies; but it is also due to the existing limits in the consciousness of the masses and the weaknesses from which the revolutionary and left-wing organisations still suffer.

Under these new conditions, the struggle that the workers and revolutionary organisations are unfolding is becoming more complex, since it is relatively clearer for the masses that they must confront and fight a government that is openly right-wing and linked to foreign capital, than one that demagogically claims to promote change and to affect the interests of the rich, even though in reality it is doing nothing more than propping up the whole system of domination by capital and defending the interests of the local ruling classes and of imperialist finance capital.

For the advance of the revolutionary struggle of the peoples, it is essential to unmask and defeat these sell-out, demagogic and populist governments that are causing serious damage to the development of the popular organisation and struggle. It is necessary to combat these governments functioning on behalf of the ruling system, but by no means should we play into the interests of the other bourgeois factions of the ‘right’ The struggle of the workers and peoples, with a class independence, to win social and national liberation forces them to fight and defeat one and the other bourgeois faction.

In order to fulfill the strategic intentions that drive us, we the political organisations, movements and parties committed to leading the revolution and socialism to victory must redouble our efforts to develop the political consciousness of the masses. That is possible mainly by unleashing the struggle for their particular demands and political banners in order to unmask the true nature of those governments. It is vital to promote an intense and systematic ideological-political offensive of the revolutionary ideals among the workers, youth, peasants, women and peoples; it is urgent to take advantage of all the opportunities that the bourgeois institutions allow for the political task and even to surpass these; it is necessary to persevere in the unity of the popular movement and of the political organisations of the left in order to isolate from the social movement those who, at the present time, are manipulating the yearnings for change of the peoples from positions of power.

Although, circumstantially, the populist governments have managed to partially restrain the struggle of the masses, it is certain that their material conditions of life and the historical limitations of these governments are forcing the masses to protest. Still more, the world scenario is inevitably affecting them from all sides and the sharpening of the general crisis of the capitalist system is causing the fighting response of the peoples, as can be observed in our region and in particular in Europe, with whose working class and youth we express our solidarity.

We, the organizations taking part in this 16th Seminar on the International Problems of the Revolution in Latin America, united in Quito from July 16 to 20, reiterate our internationalist duty and commitment to continue fighting for unity and solidarity among the peoples, to form – by means of concrete actions – a great anti-imperialist front. We uphold the right of the peoples to self-determination; we condemn all forms of foreign intervention and all actions of the ruling classes to thwart the will of the peoples.

The views summarised in this Statement are the result of open and democratic debate in this seminar. We present them to the world so that the workers, youth and peoples may know them.

From Quito, Ecuador, we express our commitment to continue this event and, for that reason we are convening the 17th International Seminar for next year.

Quito, July 20, 2012
Revolutionary Communist Party of Argentina
Revolutionary Communist Party – Brazil
Movement for the Popular Constituent Assembly – Colombia
Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist)
Communist Party of Labour of the Dominican Republic
Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
Revolutionary Popular Front – Mexico
Communist Party of Palestine
Communist Party of Peru – Red Fatherland
Peruvian Communist Party Marxist-Leninist
National Democratic Front – Philippines
Caribbean and Latin American Coordinator of Puerto Rico
All Union Communist Party (Bolshevik) – Russia
Communist Party of Spain Marxist-Leninist
Gayones Movement – Venezuela
Emancipator Pedagogic Movement of Venezuela MOPEZ
Movement of Education for the Emancipation of Venezuela MEPE
Marxist-Leninist Trade Union Current – Venezuela
Ana Soto Women’s Movement of Venezuela
Preparatory Committee of Venezuela for the 23rd International Camp of Anti-Fascist and Anti-Imperialist Youth
Socialist Revolutionary University Front – Venezuela
Socialist Movement for the Quality of Life and Health – Venezuela
Democratic Popular Movement – Ecuador
Revolutionary Youth of Ecuador
Revolutionary Front of the University Left
Teachers Vanguard Front
Revolutionary Trade Union Current
Confederation of Ecuadorian Women for Change
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador

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16th SEMINARIO INTERNACIONAL “PROBLEMAS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN EN AMÉRICA LATINA”

Apreciados compañeros (as)

Presente.-

De nuestras consideraciones:

Les presentamos un cálido y fraterno saludo del PARTIDO COMUNISTA MARXISTA LENINISTA DEL ECUADOR y del MOVIMIENTO POPULAR DEMOCRÁTICO, organizaciones de izquierda revolucionaria, expresándoles nuestros mejores deseos de éxitos personales, políticos y organizativos, que redunden en el impulso de la tarea común de los trabajadores, la juventud y los pueblos, la revolución, la emancipación social y el socialismo.

Partiendo de los actuales procesos de lucha social y política que se desarrollan en el mundo entero y en nuestro Continente, frente a las políticas del sistema capitalista y los gobiernos que afectan los intereses y lesionan las conquistas de los diversos sectores sociales, los revolucionarios entendemos la necesidad de avanzar y profundizar en la realización de los procesos de emancipación; por ello, consideramos útil, acercar más nuestro mutuo conocimiento, relación, intercambio de experiencias y el trabajo por una sólida unidad y colaboración de nuestras organizaciones.

Por ello, nos complace extenderles la más cordial INVITACIÓN para que una delegación de su Organización Política o Social, Institución o personalmente, participen en el 16to. SEMINARIO INTERNACIONAL “PROBLEMAS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN EN AMÉRICA LATINA”, que en este año abordará el tema:

“El caudillismo populista y la lucha revolucionaria en América Latina”

Además, queremos solicitarles respetuosamente, extender esta INVITACIÓN a otras organizaciones, instituciones y personalidades afines, con los cuales, lamentablemente, no tenemos una relación o dirección específica y que se mostrarían deseosos de integrarse y participar en el mismo.

Los participantes: pueden si lo desean, presentar una PONENCIA SOBRE EL TEMA PROPUESTO, con una máxima extensión de 8 páginas, que será publicada para entregarse a los participantes y un resumen de la misma para que sea expuesta en alocución de veinte minutos, en las diferentes sesiones plenarias del Seminario. Los textos en idioma español, procesados en Word, deben ser enviados con la debida anticipación para asegurar su publicación y la propaganda necesaria.

En el 16to. Seminario se desarrollarán dos Mesas Redondas:

– “La mega – minería a cielo abierto y la posición de los pueblos”. Martes 17 de julio, 17h 00. Participan delegados internacionales y del Ecuador.

– “Los trabajadores y pueblos del Ecuador y el gobierno de Rafael Correa”. Jueves 19 de julio, 10h 30. Participan diversos representantes de organizaciones sociales del Ecuador.

Este evento, arriba a su décima sexta edición con el esfuerzo conjunto de todos los que hemos participado en él, año tras año. Se realizará con ese mismo entusiasmo e incorporación en la ciudad de Quito, a partir del día lunes 16 al viernes 20 de julio del presente año 2012 en los locales de la “Casa del Maestro”, calle Ascázubi N. 271, entre la Avda. 10 de Agosto y 9 de Octubre.

La noche del viernes 20 de julio, tendrá lugar el ACTO CENTRAL DEL 48vo. ANIVERSARIO DEL PCMLE, acto político social para el cual también les invitamos muy cordialmente.

Les pedimos encarecidamente, hacernos conocer de su participación y de cualquier requerimiento al respecto lo más pronto posible, a las siguientes direcciones electrónicas y teléfonos:

pcmle@journalist.com – oswpal@yahoo.com – mpd15dn@netlife.ec

Teléfonos móviles (celulares)
099234491 (Oswaldo Palacios, Vocero Nacional del PCMLE);
096009818 (Abg. Luis Villacís, Director Nacional del MPD)

096804199; 098779541 (Fabiola Bohórquez, Sede Nacional del MPD)

Convencionales:
2503 580; 2526111 (Sede Nacional del MPD)

Los momentos de cambio plantean la necesidad de trabajar juntos por una más estrecha unidad de los trabajadores, la juventud, las mujeres y los pueblos, para asumir con decisión los retos que demanda la situación presente. Por ello es que nuestro Seminario quiere ser una tribuna de debate franco que contribuya a la conciencia y la unidad que requiere en estas horas el movimiento obrero, indígena, campesino, popular y revolucionario, motivo por el cual les reiteramos la importancia de su participación.

Fraternalmente,

Oswaldo Palacios J. Luis Villacís M.
Vocero Nacional del PCMLE Director Nacional del MPD
Abril de 2012.

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16 Seminario Internacional Problemas de la Revolución en América Latina

CCLPR Puerto Rico
CNV Filiberto Ojeda Ríos Puerto Rico
Confeme Ecuador
FDN Filipinas
FEUE Ecuador
FP Azuay Ecuador
FPR PCM-ml México
Frente Popular Ecuador
FUI EEUU Canadá
JRE Ecuador
MCP Nariño
MLPD Alemania
PC bolchevique Union Sovietica
PCdeC ml Colombia
PCMLE Ecuador
PCMLV VENEZUELA
PCP Palestina
PCP PERU
PCR Argentina
PCR Brasil
PCT R Dominicana
UGTE Ecuador

Averdade: Capitalist growth increases submission of Brazil to foreign capital


Amid the profound crisis which is the world capitalist system and that has dragged on since September 2008, some countries, specifically China, India, Russia and Brazil, the so-called BRIC countries have achieved economic growth rates to be high standards for the capitalists. In Brazil, this growth, albeit with ups and downs, led the country to become the seventh largest economy in the world and beyond Italy, mired in economic and moral crisis ¹.

With the election of Lula (PT) for the presidency of Brazil in 2002 and his decision to take no break with the imperialist system or renationalize privatized state and to guarantee the privileges of the large financial capital and free action for the international monopolies in the economy Brazil, a large international media began to extol the Brazilian economy as the newest wonder of the world.

But, as not everything that glitters is gold and almost everything that the media bourgeois state is a lie, there is no sea-colored pink in the Brazilian economy.

However, in this context of favorable propaganda and the expansion of Brazilian companies in Latin America, performing works and acquiring other companies, this movement supported and financed by the Brazilian government, some sectors have criticized the Brazilian expansionism and fear of a new imperialism in the region .

Some Latin American governments have even acted in order to halt the advance. In Argentina, the Mendoza provincial government suspended a project of potash exploration and mining company Vale, Peru, remains canceled the construction of hydroelectric Inambari, construction work of the OAS and the state Furnas and Eletrobras.

The thesis of a new imperialism in itself is nothing absurd. In fact, at the time of parasitism and decay of capitalist imperialism and during the crisis due to the law of uneven development, while most countries remains stagnant, you may experience some growth in some sectors of the economy and in some countries ². It is a growth that deepens inequality between countries and among various sectors of the economy, as Lenin said: “Certain industries, certain sectors of the bourgeoisie and certain countries, manifest at the time of imperialism, with greater or lesser extent either one or other of these trends. (Complete Works, volume 27, pp.444)

We see the current crisis, while the European Union and the United States have their economies increasingly mired in crisis, China, despite signs of slowing down, keeps an annual growth rate between 9 and 10%.

The history of capitalist imperialism throughout the 20th century is full of examples in this regard. Indeed, in the early decades of last century, England was dictating all the rules of the global economy. After World War I, Germany is growing again and demanded a new division of the world. The U.S. also had a great economic development and came to occupy a prominent place in the world economy. A new correlation of forces has emerged and a new World War came to redefine the areas of influence of the imperialist powers.

Today, in the first decade of the 21st century, China became a major power in the capitalist economy and disputes with the U.S. and other imperialist countries control over important markets in the world, including Latin America. In fact, we can assert that the current U.S. advantage in the global economy is maintained exclusively by blood and iron, or, more precisely, due to the monopoly of the dollar, the control of bodies like the IMF (International Monetary Fund) and World Bank , imperialist wars and powerful nuclear weapons.

However, a deeper analysis of the Brazilian economy found that the current economic boom in the country, as well as volatile and mainly benefit the wealthy classes, does not break the chains that bind him to the world imperialist system, but makes the country even more submissive to this system. In other words, economic growth in the last ten years did not alter the subordination of Brazil to international finance capital to ease the dominance of monopolies on the international economy. On the contrary, there was an amazing process of denationalization and even de-industrialization of the Brazilian economy.

Indeed, the vaunted Brazilian economy has its main base in the export of raw materials, especially agricultural products and minerals and not on industrial products and technology and the expansion of the internal market, thanks to a huge debt of the state population and .

According to the Ministry of Development, 2011 to August exports of primary products accounted for 44.27% (U.S. $ 55.822 billion) of Brazilian exports, while exports of manufactured goods were only 39.74% (U.S. $ 50.100 billion). The involution is clear: for the first time since 1978, the export of primary products (commodities) surpassed the export of manufactured ³.

Soybeans (beans, meal and oil), meat, sugar and ethanol, coffee and forest products represent 81.2% of Brazil’s agricultural exports. However, despite being a major producer and exporter of food, Brazil imports 65% of its fertilizer needs. Among the manufacturers, cars, produced in its entirety by multinational companies in the U.S., Germany, Italy and France, are 2.22% of total exports. Since iron ore exports is 12.63%, 7.92% and oil. Besides iron ore, Brazil is also the world’s largest producer of niobium and manganese.

In addition to this growth based on exports of primary goods, raw materials, there is also a process of deindustrialization.

In 1980, the share of manufacturing in gross domestic product (GDP) was 33%, today is only 16%. The relationship-manufactured exports, which reached 59% during the same period, pulled in 40%.

Another proof of de-industrialization of the Brazilian economy is revealed in the growth of the deficit country’s industrial. Between 2005 and 2010, the deficit of industrial goods fell from a positive U.S. $ 31 billion to $ 34 billion negative. In total, the deficit in foreign trade of industrial goods reached U.S. $ 65 billion. It is worth noting also that this deficit occurs in industry sectors of high and medium technological intensity, such as pharmaceuticals, consumer goods, electronics, computer and office equipment and precision instruments (Luiz Gonzaga Belluzo and Julius G. de Almeida , Capital Letter, 22/06/2011).

Only the aircraft industry had a surplus due to Embraer. However, remember that Embraer is not exactly a Brazilian company. Privatized in 1994, for only $ 154 million, the Company is controlled by the Pension Plan for Employees of Banco do Brazil – Previ – (14.2% of the shares), by BNDES (5%), the Government, (0, 3%) and bank Bozano (10.4%). However, 70% of Embraer’s stock investors are with the Stock Exchange New York Stock Exchange (NYSE acronym in English), and three investment funds with U.S. (Janus Capital Management, Oppenheimer and Thornburg Investments).

De-industrialization of the Brazilian economy is so great that the Minister of Science and Technology, Aloysio Mercadante said that Brazil sells 1,700 tons of soybeans or 21 500 tons of iron ore to buy just a ton of semiconductor China (Portrait of Brazil, No. 46).

This phenomenon has led some economists at the Economic Commission for Latin America (UN ECLAC), called this process “reprimarization” of the economy, that is, returning to the model that characterized the exploitation of Brazil and other Latin American countries during the period Colonial.

Professor of Economics at Unicamp, Cano Wilson, author of several works on the Brazilian economy and Latin America, summed up the situation: “We are singing with Chinese music. Singing to export chicken and soybeans and iron ore. But that future never given to anyone. The leaders agree that it is very nice to be exporting these things, but forget that industry is a regression. ” (Wilson Cano, Folha de S. Paulo, 12/6/2011).

Finally, Brazil exports more raw materials and imports of industrial products. Undoubtedly there is here no feature of an imperialist country.

The subordination of Brazil to international finance capital

“Imperialism is a worldwide system of domination and oppression, in which financial capital put the whole world.”

(J. Stalin, Foundations of Leninism, published by Manoel Lisboa).

Despite being the world’s seventh largest economy, Brazil is still religiously rewarding financial capital with high interest rates (the world’s largest) and allocating annually about 40% of everything he earns to pay the income of speculators, owners of the securities domestic and foreign debt. It also continues its privatization and denationalization companies, allowing free movement of capital in the country, a country of which the subsidiaries of multinational profits refer to their headquarters, and earnestly fulfilling the role of country supplier of raw materials and importer of industrial products. In other words, Brazil is undoubtedly one of the countries that are subjected to this world domination of finance capital. Evidence is not lacking.

Brazil has 352 billion dollars in international reserves, applied primarily in securities of U.S. debt. Unlike what is preached, these reserves, and only sufficient to cover 60% of the country’s needs, is no proof of vitality of the Brazilian economy, but rather a certificate course of submission to the imperialist system. Let’s see. Interest paid by the U.S. government for its debt securities are only 0.4%, therefore this application yields nothing to Brazil, although it is of great importance to the U.S. to maintain its spending on wars and subsidize their banks and monopolies broken. Moreover, to buy these dollars, the reserves, Brazil sold its public debt securities that are paid with interest rates of 11.5% per year, the Selic rate, fixed by the Central Bank. So, with the reservations applied in U.S. securities, the country loses no less than 40 billion dollars per year, equivalent to more than half the budget of Health

Not enough, the finance minister, Guido Mantega, argued with the other BRIC countries, buy debt of European countries: “We will meet in Washington and will discuss how to help the EU out of this situation” . (Reuters, 9/13/11). Recall that in October 2009, Brazil withdrew $ 10 billion IMF loan to the bankrupt and join the global effort to save failed banks and international monopolies. Let us also remember that this year to ensure the payment of interest to this select group of parasites, the government cut $ 50 billion budget, that is, cut social investment areas.

What greater proof of the subordination and total dependence on the current imperialist countries than bail them out at the expense of the misery of their own country.

The denationalization of the Brazilian economy

Debt and remittance of profits

An important aspect of the domination of international finance capital over the nations are the external and internal debts.

Well, according to Professor Maria Lucia Fattorelli, Audit of Public Debt in Brazil, the Brazilian debt is now at about $ 3 trillion and in 2010 consumed 44.93% of the resources of the federal budget, money that ceases to be invested in health, housing and education to ensure income for bankers. In fact, figures from the Central Bank show that domestic and foreign banks and investment funds they own 76% of domestic debt securities. In turn, external debt, and not be over, had a 43% increase, 2009 to 2011, and was $ $ 284.1 billion.

Also indicator of the degree of dependence of Brazil before the international financial system is the growth in remittances of profits abroad.

In 2010, Brazil sent abroad for profits of 30 billion dollars. In 2009, U.S. $ 25.21 billion, and a third of that amount, $ 7.45 billion came from income on financial investments. In the last twelve months, from July 2010 to July 2011, profit remittances amounted to U.S. $ 34.95 billion.

Thus, while the country’s economy grows, also grows the remittance of profits abroad, demonstrating how big the field of international monopolies on the national economy.

According to data from the United Nations Conference for Trade and Development (UNCTAD acronym in English), Brazil is the 5th largest foreign investment destination in the world. But beyond the capital invested in speculation, the other sectors that receive this money are the mineral extraction and acquisition of companies and services.

The denationalization of the Brazilian economy is still evident when one observes that the 50 largest Brazilian companies, 26 are foreign. In fact, more than half of Brazilian companies in leading sectors such as automotive, aerospace, electronics, computers, pharmaceuticals, telecommunications, agribusiness and mining are in the hands of foreign capital. Also according to the Census of Foreign Capital in Brazil, foreign capital is present in 17,605 Brazilian companies account for 63% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and has control of 36% of the banking sector and holds 25% stake in Bradesco and 20% of the shares of the Bank of Brazil. (Nazarene Lamb, Latin American Institute for Socioeconomic Studies).

Illusion Class

To mitigate this field of international monopolies on the national economy, the PT government decided to form “multinational yellow-green.” The bourgeois groups chosen were those with a high degree of influence in government and who generously funded the PT and its allies in the elections.

To form these multinationals, the state, and fund the combined company becomes a member of the project and articulates the state pension funds to do the same. In other words, the state acts as a true executive committee of the capitalist class. This is not something new, it was and is done by all capitalist governments of China to the United States. Recall that in the current crisis, States withdrew more than $ 30 trillion in public funds to bail out banks and private monopolies of the break.

The result of this policy was the formation and strengthening of private monopolies in some sectors such as telephony, civil aviation, refrigerators, beverage and ethanol.

One of these monopolies created yellow-green was the phone company HI. The stated aim was to compete in and outside the country with the multinationals in Spain, Portugal and Italy, which took control of telephony in the country after privatization. To this end, the government changed the existing legislation and public funding released very low interest. On April 25, 2008, HI new born, union of Brazil Telecom with HI, the Supertel yellow-green, owned by businessman Carlos Jereissati and Sergio Andrade and with 43.4 million customers. For this venture, the new HI, received from BNDES R $ 2.5 billion to make the business and $ 5 billion to finance investments in the new company.

However, as the bourgeoisie “has long played out the flag of independence” and “sells the rights and independence of the nation for dollars” 4, after two years, Portugal Telecom acquired control of the Brazilian company buying 22.4% stake. (Capital Letter, 08/04/2011)

Another case of multinational yellow-green was Ambev. In 1999, Brahma and Antarctica, announced the birth of AmBev, a Brazilian giant in the beverage industry that starts earning 10.3 billion per year. The new company came to market as the world’s third largest producer of beer and dominating 70% of the Brazilian market. This multinational ‘Brazilian’ began buying other companies in Latin America, such as Quilmes, Argentina’s largest brewer, in 2002. However, in March 2004, after several exchanges of shares and assets between Belgium’s Interbrew and AmBev, Interbrew announced that the multinational was majority shareholder of Brazilian brewer, with 71% voting interest and 51.6% of total capital.

New “national betrayal” funded by the government and, again, the dream of building a sovereign national economy with the great national bourgeoisie goes down.

The new gangsters of ethanol

In the case of ethanol, the situation is no different. Encouraged by the government, several foreign companies have joined the domestic mills to boost ethanol production and export of the country to meet U.S. demand for ethanol.

Today, 400 plants, most of them in the hands of foreign capital, control virtually all domestic production of ethanol and act as a cartel. As reflected in the price of alcohol this year even shooting in full the sugarcane harvest.

According to the Movement of Landless Workers (MST), foreign capital owns more than 30% million acres in the country to produce sugar cane, cattle and soybeans. Only in the alcohol sector, multinationals hold 33% of all land and plants. (Capital Letter, 03/08/11).

Petrobras also due to the 9478 Act of 1997, which broke the state oil monopoly, is now 51% of its capital under private control, and 35% of that capital is foreign. Not to mention that the National Petroleum Agency (ANP) and the Ministry of Energy Mines follow the policy of conduct auctions of our oil to the international oil companies.

To increase the participation of foreign capital in the country, the Federal Government sent for approval by Congress on April 20, a provisional measure (MP) to allow the increase to the current 20% to 49% of foreign capital in airlines Brazilian and decided to privatize the airports and ports by the end of the year.

The overexploitation of the Brazilian worker

In contrast to this situation, we have over-exploitation of workers and much of the population living in poverty. Although employment growth in the country, the minimum wage should be, according to Dieese R $ 2,279.00 5 is only R $ 545.00, the equivalent of $ 297.81 is a lower salary than that paid in Argentina ($ 475), Chile (U.S. $ 372) and Paraguay U.S. $ 410). In addition, the Brazilian worker has an extended working hours of the world when comparing the wage in Brazil with other countries, as shown in the table below.

To alleviate the growing poverty of the people, the Brazilian government has been developing since 2004, the Bolsa Familia program, which provides families who have minimum income a monthly stipend. Currently, 13 million families, about 70 million people are served by the program, aimed at households with per capita income of up to $ 140 – considered families in extreme poverty. Currently, each beneficiary may receive from $ 32 to 306 dollars per month. In 2004, 5.5 million families were assisted. So, instead of diminishing, increases the number of families because they did not work and need a decent salary grant from the government not to go hungry.

According to Census 2010, the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), Brazil has 16.2 million Brazilians living in extreme poverty, 8% of the population. Of these, 11.4 million have incomes of $ 1 to $ 70 ($ 40) and 4.8 million have no income. Besides, 79 million people stay with family income below R $ 1,020 (U.S. $ 600) and 38% of young people living in extreme poverty, 50% of the population have no sewage and 80 million live with remuneration below $ 700 . Seven million families have no roof over their heads, and according to the Ministry of Labor and Employment, Brazil, in the XXI century, has 20 000 employees working in conditions analogous to slavery.

At the same time, a tiny group of people, owners of major industrial monopolies, and commercial banks, not to enrich. In the first decade of the 21st century, sales of the 200 largest Brazilian companies rose 534% between 2000 and 2010, reaching a gross revenue of R $ 587.9 billion (U.S. $ 270 billion).

As we see, economic growth follows recent Brazilian entirely tied to the chain of world imperialism and subordinate to international finance capital, and deepens the contradiction between a rich minority and the vast majority of Brazilian workers who suffer from low wages and poor working conditions.

This analysis confirms the Leninist thesis that it is not possible to oppose the reforms only with capitalism, it is necessary to modify the basis of the system, replace the system with one that is opposed to this, that is, that instead of relying on property deprived of the means of production, is based on collective ownership of means of production.

Lula Hawk, Central Committee member of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil

Notes:

¹ According to the IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) in 2008, the Brazilian economy grew 5.2%. In 2009, growth was negative, -0.6%, and in 2010, 7.5%.

For 2011, the Central Bank of Brazil predicts growth of 3.5% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Since the prediction of International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Brazil is 3.8%. Slower growth than expected for other countries in South America, as the IMF projects a growth of 8% for Argentina, 4.9% to 6.5% in Colombia and Chile. For China, the IMF forecasts growth of 9.6%.

² “The unevenness of economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism” (Lênin. Under the slogan of the United States of Europe).

³ manufacturing and producing industrial goods from the raw material. For example, the cotton is produced jeans. The rubber tires are produced. Generally rich countries buy raw materials from poor countries and then manufactured to resell the product to the same country and others.

4 J. Stalin. Address to the 19th Congress of the CPSU. 1953: “Before, the bourgeoisie was considered part of the nation’s leader, defended the rights and independence of the nation, standing ‘above all’. Currently, there remains not the slightest trace of the ‘national principle’. At present, the bourgeoisie sells the rights and independence of the nation for dollars. The flag of independence and national sovereignty was thrown out. There is no doubt that this flag will be raised by you, the representatives of communist and democratic parties, and brought forward, if you will be patriots of your country, if you will be the driving force of the nation. No one can lift more.. “(Stalin’s speech to the 19th Congress of the CPSU)

The five Brazilian minimum wage worker would be R $ 2,278.77 in August, the second projection of the Department of Statistics and Socioeconomic Studies (Dieese). This value is 4.18 times the floor in place today, from $ 545. For the calculation of the minimum wage, the Dieese takes into account the amount necessary for the worker and his family defray the costs for food, housing, health, education, clothing, hygiene, transportation, recreation and welfare

Source

PCR: Marighella is pardoned and honored on the 100th anniversary of his life

December 7, 2011

The day in which he reached 100 years of life, Carlos Marighella received amnesty “post mortem” and formal apology by the Brazilian state of political persecution he suffered throughout his life, beyond the government’s relentless effort to destroy the image dictatorial this communist fighter.

Presented on December 5 in Salvador, the Amnesty Commission, the apology to the session Marighella wrote 53 of the Caravan of Amnesty, the Ministry of Justice project whose goal is to repair the crimes committed by the last military regime, between the years 1964 and 1985.

At the ceremony, praised the former leader of the National Liberation Action (ALN) as a hero of the Brazilian people, portraying himself thus disqualifying the military dictatorship that was Marighella. The dictatorial government came to consider him a criminal, a terrorist, an enemy of the fatherland. The apology also highlighted the responsibility of the organs of repression by his assassination in an ambush in 1969.

The amnesty was received by the son of Marighella, Marighella Carlos Augusto, and his widow, Clara Charf. The two were moved a lot during the homage to Carlos Marighella. The act showed the great recognition he has this great revolutionary struggle, defending not only the overcoming of the dictatorship, but also the emancipation of the working class.

Carrara Ana Rosa, California

Source

Declaration of the Regional Latin American and Caribbean CIPOML (2011)


International Conference of Parties and Marxist-Leninist Organizations Regional Latin America

POLICY STATEMENT

U.S. imperialism and its European allies: France, England, Spain, Italy, are trying to manipulate the just struggle of the Arab peoples, to channel the indignation of the working masses and the youth towards a change of names, maintaining the economic and social structures and the weight of dependency.

After reviewing the latest events in our countries, in Latin America and the world we declare:

1. The stories told by imperialism claiming that there is a recovery from the crisis are falling apart every day, with the increasing numbers of unemployed, the decrease in production, the worsening of the fiscal deficits and the increase in the foreign debt in most of the countries of Europe, in Japan and the U.S.A., which seriously affect the supposed stability of the capitalist system and sharpening its inherent contradictions. This prolonged crisis that is affecting all the countries of the world shows not only the failure of the recovery policies implemented by imperialism, but also the decay of the system, which is mortally wounded and incapable of guaranteeing the well-being and freedom for which humanity is struggling.

2. The struggle of the working class, the working people, the youth and the peoples is spreading all over the world. Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Jordan, Syria, Yemen and other countries of North Africa and Asia Minor are an example of the struggle against the reactionary dictatorships and governments, who with the applause of the bourgeoisies and the imperialist powers have sunk these peoples into the deepest crisis, hunger and the cruelest misery, despite the immense wealth generated by the exploitation of oil, gas and other natural resources. In addition, with the complicity of the UN they resort to military intervention, to the bombing of the civilian population in Libya, using the pretext of the fight against tyranny, all with the aim of guaranteeing the established order and the continuity of all its profits that are the product of colonization and exploitation of these peoples. We completely reject the foreign intervention in Libya. It is up to the Libyan people themselves to resolve the problems of their country. No more military aggression and intervention in Afghanistan and Palestine! We Communists raise the banner of self-determination, sovereignty, well-being and freedom!

3. Active and valiant opposition to imperialism and the reactionary governments is also alive in Europe. In Greece, Turkey, Italy, Spain, Ireland, France, England and other countries of Europe there has been a general rejection of the reduction in wages, the pension reforms, the increase in taxes, privatizations and the reduction of the budgets for health care, education, housing and in general of all the legislative programs by which the crisis is being placed on the shoulders of the working masses. Numerous strikes and mobilizations are showing an important revival of the working class and youth that is again speaking out for unity and the political initiative to confront the recovery policies and to reject the reactionary governments. The great mobilizations of youths that are taking place in Spain and other European countries deserve particular mention, which show the exhaustion of bourgeois democracy and the search for roads to social liberation.

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